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AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY. 


CONDUCTED 
By    JARED    sparks 


SECOND    SERIES 


VOL.  I 


BOSTON: 

LITTLE,  BROWN,  AND  COIMPANY' 

1855. 


Entered  .acroBdiHg  to  JiCt  ot  uoncress,  in  the  year  1844,  hy 

«    ■       •       *  '     '     '     . 

in  the  Clerk's  oihce  oNlie  liistrict  Court  of  the  bisirict  ot  .JassachuseVvd 


ADVERTISEMENT. 


In  resuming  the  publication  of  this  work, 
It  needs  only  be  premised,  that  it  will  be 
continued  on  precisely  the  same  plan,  as 
that  adopted  in  the  preceding  volumes,  and 
will  be  confined  to  the  lives  of  such  individ- 
uals as  have  been  distinguished  in  America ; 
particularly  in  that  part  of  America  which 
now  constitutes  the  United  States.  Ten 
volumes  have  already  been  published  ;  but, 
for  the  convenience  of  purchasers  who  may 
not  possess  these  volumes,  a  new  series  is 
now  commenced,  and  appropriate  title-pages 
will  be  furnished;  as  also  tide-pages,  with 
which  the  subsequent  volumes  may  be  bound 
in  continuation  of  the  former,  or  with  which 
any  separate  volume  may  be  bound  when 
not  connected  with  the  series 


1 


LIVES 


OF 


ROBERT  CAVELIER  DE  LA  SALLE  ! 

I 


AND 


PATRICK    HENRY. 


BOSTON: 
CHARLES  C.  LITTLE  AND   JAMES   BROWN 

1848. 


EnUred  according  to  act  ol  congress,  in  the  year  13-11,  by 
Chakles    C     Little    and    Ja.mks    Bbown, 
bi  the  Clerk's  office  of  the  Distral  Court  of  the  District  of  Ma^sacbusettj 


CONTENTS. 


LIFE  OF  ROBERT  CAVELIER  DE  LA  SALLE 

BY    JARED    SPARKS. 

Page. 

Preface xv 

CHAPTER  I. 

First  Discovery  of  the  Blississippi.  —  Robert 
Cavelier  cle  la  Salle.  —  Passes  eight  Years  in 
Canada. —  Obtains  Letters  Patent  from  the 
Kins:  —  Builds  Fort  Frontenac.  —  Obtains 
additional  Letters  Patent  for  nmld^ig  new 
Discoveries 1 

CHAPTER  H. 

Recollect  Missionaries  in  Canada.  —  La  Salle 
prepares  for  his  Voyage  of  Discovery.  — 
Builds  a  Vessel  of  sixty  Tons  above  the  Falls 
of  Niagara.  —  Sails  through  the  Lakes  to 
Mackinac 15 

CHAPTER  HI. 

Sails  to  an  Island  at  the  Entrance  of  Green  Bay. 
—  Proceeds,  on  his  Voyage  in  Canoes  along  the 
Western  Shore  of  Lake  Michigan. —  Disasters 


VIU  CONTENTS. 

of  the  Voyage.  — Meets  a  Party  of  Indians ^ 
who  threaten  Hostilities.  —  Arrives  at  the 
Miamis  River 28 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Builds  a  Fort.  —  Joined  hy  the  Chevalier  de 
Tonty.  —  Loss  of  the  Grijin.  —  The  Sieur  de 
la  Salle  and  the  icholc  Party  go  down  the 
Kankakee  River  to  the  Illinois.  —  Arrive  at  a 
deserted  Indian  Village.  —  Descend  the  River 
to  Lake  Peoria.  —  Land  at  a  large  Settlement 
of  Illinois  Indians  at  the  South  End  of  the 
Lake 39 

CHAPTER  V. 

Fort  Crevecmur  built  near  Lake  Peoria.  — Inter- 
course  with  the  Indians.  —  Hennepin  ascends 
the  Mississippi.  —  La  Salle  returns  hy  Land 
to  Fort  Frontejiac.  — Some  of  the  Men  desert. 
—  Iroquois  War.  —  Tonty  and  Father  Ze- 
nohe  endeavor  to  mediate  between  the  Iroquois 
and  Illinois 55 

CHAPTER   VI. 

Tonty  escapes  loith  his  Party  to  Green  Bay.  — 
Father  Gabriel  murdered  by  the  Savages.  - 
La  Salle  arrives  at  Fort  Frontenac.  —  State 
of  his  Affairs. — Prepares  for  another  Eipc- 
dition.  —  Returns  to  the  Illinois  Country,  and 
spends  the  Winter  there.  —  Meets  Tvnty  and 
his  Party  at  Mackinac 68 


CONTENTS.  LT 


CHAPTER   VII. 


Hennepin's  Voijagc  up  the  Mississippi.  —  His 
pretended  Discovery  of  the  Mouth  of  that 
River.  —  Grounds  for  disbelieving  his  Account. 
—  Sources  lohcnce  he  dreio  his  Materials.     .     .     78 


CHAPTER  VHl. 

La  Salle  begiris  his  Voyage  down  the  Missis- 
sippi.—  Intercourse  with  various  Indian  Na- 
tions on  the  Banks  of  the  River.  —  Arrives 
at  its  Blouth,  and  takes  Possession  of  the 
Country.  —  Returns  to  the  Illinois,  and  thence 
to  France 93 


CHAPTER  IX. 

La  Salle  obtains  a  Commission  to  settle  a  Colony 
in  Louisiana.  —  Sails  with  four  Vessels  to  St. 
Domingo,  and  thence  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  — 
Discord  bcticecn  him  and  the  Commander  of 
the  Squadron 10i> 


CHAPTER  X. 

The  Vessels  make  the  Land  at  the  Westward 
of  the  Mississippi.  —  The  Colonists  go  ashore 
at  the  Bay  of  St.  Bernard,  and  build  a 
Fort.  —  La  Salle  explores  the  Bay  icith  the 
Hope  of  finding  one  of  the  Mouths  of  the 
Mississippi 126 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XI. 


First  Journey  towards  the  Illinois.  —  Coiis  In- 
dians.—  La  Salle  taken  ill  of  a  Fever  near 
the  Red  River.  —  Returns  to ^  the  Hay  of  St. 
Bernard.  —  Second  Journey  towards  the  Illi- 
nois. —  Conspiracy  against  La  Salle.  —  His 
Death 142 

CHAPTER  Xn. 

Contention  between  the  Conspirators.  —  Five  of 
La  Salle's  Party  proceed  to  the  Illinois,  and 
thence  to  France.  —  The  Chevalier  de  Tonty. 
—  Error  concerning  a  supposed  Attempt  of 
La  Salle  to  find  the  Mines  of  St.  3arhe.  — 
Fate  of  the  Colony  at  the  Bay  of  St.  Ber- 
nard.—  Conclusion IGO 


APPENDIX. 

No.  I.  —  Letters  Patent  granted  hy  the  King 
of  France  to  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  on  the  \\lth 
of  May,  16.78 181 

No.  IT.  —  BIcmoir  concerning  Louisiana,  ascribed 
to   the  Count  de   Vergcnnes 183 

No.  III.  —  Parallel  Passages  from  Le  Clercq 
and  Hennepin,  shoicing  the  Sources  of  Hen- 
nepin's Account  of  a  Voyage  doicn  the  Mis- 
sissippi  186 

No.  IV.  —  Proces  Verbal  of  the  taking  Posses- 
sion of  Louisiana,  at  the  Mouth  of  the  3Ti<sis- 


CONTENTS.  XI 

sippij  hi/  the  Sicur  clc  la  Salic,  on  the  0th  oj 
April,  1082 19-1 

^o.  v.  — Petition    of  the  Chevalier    de    Tontij 
to  the  Count   clc   Pontchartrain,   Minister   of 


Marine. 


203 


LIFE   OF   PATRICK   HENRY. 

BY    ALEXANDER    H.  EVERETT. 

CHAPTER  I. 
Birth  and  Parentage.  —  Education.  —  Com- 
mences Business  as  a  Merchant.  —  Fails,  and 
attempts  Agriculture.  —  Second  unsuccessful 
Attempt  in  Trade.  —  Marriage.  —  Admitted 
to  the  Bar 209 

■    CHAPTER  H. 
The  Parsons'   Cause.  —  First  rc?narJcabh  Exhi- 
bition of  Henry's  Eloquence 227 

CHAPTER  III. 
Elected  a  Member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses.  — 
Brings  foricard  his  celebrated  Resolutions  on 
the  Stamp  Act 250 

CHAPTER  IV. 
Repeal  of  the   Stampr  Act.  —  Henry  elected  to 
the    Continental    Congress.  —  Speech    in    the 
Virginia  Convention 275 


Xll  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   V. 

Military  Mnvcmcnts.  —  Henry  appointed  Com- 
mander-in-Chicf  of  the  Virginia  Forces.  — 
Resigns  his  Co?nmission.  —  Elected  the  Jirst 
Governor  under  the  neio   Constitution.    .     .     .  29G 

CHAPTER   VI. 

Administration  as    Governor.  —  Returns   to  pri- 
vate   Life.  —  Reelected    Governor.  —  Resigns. 
—  Elected  to  the  Assembly 324 

CHAPTER   Vn. 

Virginia  Convention  for  considering  the  Plan 
of  the  Federal  Constitution.  —  Henry  opposes 
its  Adoption 348 

CHAPTER  VHl. 

Retirement  of  Henry  from  political  and  pro- 
fessional Life.  —  Domestic  Occupations.  — 
Death   and   Character 37G 


NOTE 
Virginia  Resolutions  on  the  Stamp  Act 391 


LIFE  I 

OF  i 

•J 

J 

ROBERT  CAVELIER  DE  LA  SALLE;  I 


BV 


JARED    SPARKS. 


PREFACE. 


• 


Among  the  discoverers  of  the  interior  of  North 
America,  none  has  been  more  distinguished,  either 
for  the  boldness  of  his  designs  or  for  resokition 
and  enterprise,  than  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle.  Al- 
though the  period  of  a  century  and  a  half  has 
elapsed  since  his  discoveries,  yet  no  connected  ac- 
count of  them  has  been  written,  except  the  brief 
sketclies  Vv^hich  have  appeared  in  the  general 
histories  of  the  country.  The  untimely  and  dis- 
astrous termination  of  his  career,  before  he  had 
completely  attained  the  great  objects  to  which 
he  had  devoted  twenty  years  of  his  life,  con- 
nected with  the  political  events  immediately  fol- 
lowincr,  mav  account  for  the  neglect  of  his 
countrymen  to  render  the  tribute  of  justice  to 
his  name  and  services,  which  they  would  seem 
to  have  deserved.  However  this  may  be,  these 
causes  are  no  longer  worthy  of  consideration  ; 
the  events  of  his  life  form  a  part  of  our  history; 
and  his  memory  and  deeds  claim  a  conspicuous 
place  among  those  of  the  early  pioneers  of  civili- 
zation in  North  America. 


XVI  PREFACE. 

The  writers,  from  whom  the  particulars  of  the 
following  narration  have  been  drawn,  are  Mar- 
quette, Hennepin,  Le  Clercq,  Tonty,  Joutel,  and 
Charlevoix.*  Tliese  authorities  are  entitled  to 
various  degrees  of  credit,  and  it  has  been  a  task 
of  some  difficulty  to  reconcile  their  conflicting 
statements,  and  to  arrange  the  events  in  their 
appropriate  order.  Marquette  preceded  La  Salle 
in  the  discovery  of  the  Mississippi,  and  his  nar- 
rative has  been  consulted  only  for  a  few  prelimi- 
nary facts.f  Hennepin,  Tonty,  and  Joutel  were 
companions  of  La  Salle,  and  profess  to  describe 
what  they  saw  ;  Le  Clercq  and  Charlevoix  rely 
on  the  descriptions  of  others. 

Hennepin's  publications  dre  so  fully  considered 
in  the  body  of  the  following  memoir,  that  it  is 
unnecessary   to    speak    of    them   in    this    place. 

*  Marquette's  Decouveiie  de  quelques  Pcnjs  et  A'atioiis  de 
VAmlrique  Septentrionale.     Paris,  1G81. 

Hennepin's  Description  de  la  Louisiane.     Paris,  1684. 

Le  Clercq's  Etablissemeyit  de  la  Foy.     Paris,  IGOl. 

Tonty's  Derniires  Decouvertcs  dans  l\Qmerique  Septen- 
trionale de  M.  de  la  Salle.    Paris,  1G97. 

Hennepin's  JVouvdle  Decouverte.     Utrecht,  1G97. 

Hennepin's  JVouveau  Voyage.     Utrecht,  1G98. . 

Joutel's  Journal  Historique.     Paris,  1713. 

Charlevoix's  Ilistoire  de  la  JVbuvelle  France.    Paris,  1744. 

f  An  account  of  his  discoveries  is  contained  in  the 
Life  of  Marquette^  heretofore  published  in  tliis  collection. 
See  Vol.  X.  p.  2Go. 


PREFACE.  XVII 

The  story  of  his  descending  from  the  IHinois  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  is  unquestionably 
a  fabrication. 

The  two  volumes  by  Le  Clercq  are  mainly 
devoted  to  a  history  of  the  labors  of  the  mis- 
sionaries in  Canada,  particularly  those  of  the 
Recollects ;  but  in  tlie  second  volume  he  intro- 
duces an  account  of  the  discoveries  of  La  Salle. 
His  materials  were  the  manuscript  letters  of 
Father  Zenobe,  who  accompanied  La  Salle  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  and  of  Father 
Anastase,  who  was  with  him  during  his  last 
voyage,  and  stood  by  Iiis  side  at  the  time  of 
his  death.  Le  Clercq  often  transcribes  the  lan- 
guage of  these  manuscript  letters,  and  thus  in- 
vests his  narrative  with  the  highest  authority. 
Viewed  in  this  light,  and  as  containing  many 
incidents  not  mentioned  by  any  other  writer,  this 
book  may  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  best  that 
treats  upon  the  subject. 

The  work  ascribed  to  Tonty  cannot  be  trusted 
as  a  record  of  historical  facts.  It  was  published 
in  Paris,  without  his  approbation  or  knowledge, 
while  he  was  in  America.  There  can  be  no 
reasonable  doubt,  that  Tonty  furnished  notes, 
which  became  the  basis  of  the  work  bearing  his 
name ;  and,  if  we  may  judge  of  his  character 
from  the  representations  of  his  contemporaries, 
it  would  be  unjust  to  lay  to  his  charge  the 
h 


XVm  PREFACE. 

innumerable  errors  with  wliich  it  abounds.  But 
these  notes  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  writer  in 
Paris,  w'ho  held  a  ready  pen,  and  was  endowed 
with  a  most  fertile  imagination  ;  and  he  infused 
his  own  inventions  so  copiously  into  the  text 
of  Tonty,  that  the  task  would  now  be  utterly 
hopeless  of  selecting  the  true  from  the  false,  the 
real  from  the  fictitious,  except  so  far  as  any 
particular  passages  may  be  confirmed  by  other 
authorities.  There  are  perpetual  conflicts  and 
transpositions  of  dates,  and  blunders  in  geogra- 
phy, which  could  not  have  escaped  from  a  writer 
on  the  spot,  engaged  in  the  scenes  he  describes. 
For  instance,  Tonty  is  made  to  say,  that,  with 
twenty  men  in  canoes,  he  passed  in  three  days 
from  Niagara  through  the  Lakes  Erie,  Huron, 
and  Michigan,  to  the  River  St.  Joseph.  Mis- 
takes of  this  sort  often  occur.  It  may  be  added, 
moreover,  that  Tonty  himself,  who  lived  several 
years  after  the  publication  of  this  work,  declared 
to  Iberville  and  Father  Marest,  that  it  was  not 
written  by  him,  but  by  a  ''  Parisian  adventurer," 
whose  stimulating  motive  was  money.* 

An  account  of  La  Salle's  last  voyage,  and  its 
disastrous  results,  was  published  twenty-six  years 
after  his  death,  as  drawn   up  by  Joutel,  one  of 

*  Charlevoix's  Hist,  de  la  JVoiiv.  France,  Vol.  11.  p.  2G0 
Biog.  Univer.  Art  Toxty.  • 


PREFACE.  XIX 

his  companions.  Although  he  wrote  chiefly  from 
recollection,  yet  he  is  allowed  the  merit  of  fidelity 
in  relating  what  he  saw,  and  internal  evidence 
sanctions  this  award.  The  narrative  of  Father 
Anastase,  contained  in  the  second  volume  of 
Le  Clercq,  supplies  many  interesting  particulars, 
which  did  not  come  under  the  observation  of 
Joutel. 

The  principal  events  in  the  Hfe  of  La  Salle 
are  related  by  Charlevoix  in  different  parts  of 
]iis  History  of  New  France.  This  historian  had 
access  to  authentic  materials,  and,  in  the  main, 
he  was  doubtless  an  honest  chronicler ;  yet  he 
possessed  one  foible  from  which  greater  minds 
have  not  always  been  free.  His  opinions  on 
some  subjects  were  tinged  with  the  jaundiced 
hues  of  prejudice.  He  belonged  to  the  order 
of  Jesuits,  and  through  his  optics  the  labors 
and  writings  of  such  ecclesiastics,  as  did  not 
come  within  the  pale  of  this  renowned  fraternity, 
appeared  diminutive  and  worthy  of  little  notice. 
Now,  all  the  missionaries,  who  accompanied  La 
Salle,  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  his  dis- 
coveries, and  who  wrote  concerning  them,  were 
of  the  Franciscan  order.  If  Charlevoix  ever 
read  their  books,  it  was  in  so  superficial  a  man- 
ner, that  he  derived  little  profit  from  them  in  the 
composition  of  his  History.  By  thus  avoiding 
to  consult  the  only  authors,  except  Joutel,   who 


XX  PREFACE. 

wrote  from  personal  knowledge,  he  has  fallen 
into  anachronisms  and  errors,  in  his  sketches  of 
the  life  of  La  Salle,  which  an  unbiased  judg- 
ment, and  a  research  conducted  upon  a  more 
liberal  spirit,  would  have  enabled  him  to  escape 
Some  important  facts  have  been  derived  from 
original  papers  procured  in  the  archives  of  the 
Marine  Department  at  Paris.  A  translation  of 
two  of  these  papers  is  contained  in  the  Ap- 
pendix. 


ROBEHT   DE   LA  SALLE. 


CHAPTER  I. 

First  Discovery  of  the  Mississippi.  —  Bohcrt  Cave- 

•     Her  de  la  Salle.  —  Passes  eight  Years  in  Canada. 

—  Obtains   Letters    Patent  from  the   King. — 

Builds  Fort   Frontenac.  —  Obtains   additional 

Le  *ers  Patent  for  making  new  Discoveries, 

More  than  half  a  century  had  elapsed,  from 
the  time  of  the  first  settlements  in  Canada,  before 
Frendi  enterprise  extended  itself  to  the  west- 
ward of  the  Great  Lakes.  At  an  early  day  the 
pious  zeal  of  the  missionaries  had  planted  the 
cross  among  the  Hurons,  on  the  southern  shores 
of  the  lake  of  that  name,  but  it  was  long  before 
the  tide  of  civilization  advanced  beyond  the 
Island  of  Montreal.  Unceasing  wars  with  the 
powerful  nations  of  the  Iroquois  employed  the 
attention  and  exhausted  the  resources  of  the 
colonial  government.  Led  by  a  spirit  of  adven- 
ture, as  well  as  of  gain,  a  few  traders  penetrated 

VOL.    I.  1 


''2  A3IERICAN     BIOGRAPHY 

the  interior,  crossed  the  lakes,  and  brought  back 
intelhgence  of  the  Indians,  who  wandered  over 
the  boundless  regions  of  the  west. 

At  length,  in  the  year  1665,  the  resolute 
ardor  of  Father  Allouez,  a  Jhesuit  missionary, 
prompted  him  to  undertake  the  hazardous  ex- 
periment of  executing  his  mission  in  these  remote 
and  unknown  countries.  Arrived  at  the  Falls  of 
St.  Mary,  he  tin-ew  himself  boldly  among  the 
savages,  relying  on  his  powers  of  persuasion  to 
win  tlieir  confidence,  and  the  purity  of  his 
motives  to  secure  success.  His  hopes  were  not 
disappointed.  He  visited  the  tribes  on  the 
southern  borders  of  Lake  Superior,  and  was 
everywhere  received  with  kindness.  Three  years 
afterwards,  he  was  joined  by  Marquette  and 
Dablon ;  and,  during  the  five  succeeding  years, 
these  courageous  missionaries  explored  the  terri- 
tory between  Lake  Superior  and  the  southern 
extremity  of  Lake  Michigan,  fulfilling  their 
vocation  as  messengers  of  Christianity  with  a^ 
devotedness  and  self-sacrifice  rarely  surpassed, 
preaching  to  numerous  native  tribes,  and  subdu- 
ing their  \\ild  hearts  by  gentleness  of  manners, 
and  by  mculcating  the  mild  precepts  of  the 
Gospel.  They  likewise  established  the  posts  of 
Mackinac,  St.  Mary's,  and  Green  Bay,  which 
soon  became  the  first  rallying  points  of  civiliza- 
-ion  on  the  upper  lakes. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  3 

From  the  Indians,  who  came  from  the  west, 
these  missionaries  heard  of  the  River  Mississijrpi, 
meaning,  in  the  language  of  the  aborigines,  the 
Great  River,  a  word  variously  written  by  the 
early  French  authors,  according  as  the  sound 
was  caught  by  different  ears  from  the  pronuncia- 
tion of  the  Indians.  Curiosity  was  excited  by 
the  reports  of  the  natives  concerning  the  magni- 
tude and  course  of  this  river.  So  large  a  stream 
must. find  its  way  to  the  ocean.  Conjecture  was 
awake,  as  to  the  direction  it  pursued  and  the 
place  of  its  outlet.  Some  supposed  that  it  dis- 
embogued itself  into  the  Vermilion  Sea,  since 
known  as  tli^  Gulf  of  California ;  others,  that 
it  poured  its  waters  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico ; 
and  others  again,  that  it  (lowed  into  the  Atlantic 
Ocean  somewhere  along  the  coast  of  Virginia 
or  Florida.  Such  was  at  that  time  the  entire 
ignorance  of  the  geog#iphy  of  the  vast  regions 
beyond  the  Allegany  Mountains. 

The  vague  information  collected  by  the  mis- 
sionaries was  communicated  to  the  authorities  at 
Quebec.  M.  Talon,  the  Intendant-General  of 
Canada,  a  man  of  intelligence,  enterprise,  and 
large  designs,  resolved  to  send  a  party  to  expl(>re 
the  Great  River,  as  well  for  the  purpose  of 
solving  an  important  geographical  problem,  as 
of  extending  the  pov/er  of  France  in  the  new 
world   by    the    right    of    prior    discovery.      As' 


4  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

leaders  of  the  expedition  he  selected  Fathe 
Marquette,  the  missionary,  and  M.  Joliet,  u 
citizen  of  Quebec.  Attended  by  five  other 
Frenchmen,  they  left  the  Island  of  Mackinac,  in 
two  bark  canoes,  in  the  month  of  May,  1673, 
ascended  the  Fox  River  from  Green  Bay,  passed 
thence  across  the  portage  to  the  Wisconsin, 
proceeded  down  that  river,  and  in  a  fev/  days 
found  themselves  floating  on  the  broad  waters  of 
the  Mississippi.  Yielding  to  the  current  of  this 
majestic  stream,  and  stopping  occasionally  to 
hold  a  peaceful  intercourse  with  the  natives  on 
its  banks,  they  continued  their  adventurous  voy- 
age to  Arkansas,  a  distance  of  about  eleven 
hundred  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Wisconsin. 
At  this  point,  being  convinced  by  the  general 
course  of  the  river  that  it  flowed  into  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico,  and  having  accomplished  the  main 
objects  of  their  expedition,  they  resolved  to 
return.  Ascending  the  Mississippi  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Illinois,  they  passed  up  tliat  river,  and 
thence  to  Green  Bay,  where  tliey  arrived  at  the 
end  of  four  months  from  tlie  date  of  their 
departure,  having  gone  over  a  distance,  in  their 
whole  route,  of  at  least  two  tliousand  five 
hundred  miles.  Marquette's  narrative  of  this 
expedition,  written  without  pretension  or  parade, 
and  with  a  fidelity  in  the  description  of  natural 
objects,    which,    although     publislied     after    his 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  5 

death,  confirms  its  genuineness  and  accuracy,  is 
among  the  most  valuable  and  interesting  con- 
tributions to  tiie  early  historical  literature  of 
America. 

Owing  to  the  premature  and  lamented  death 
of  ^larquette,  however,  and  to  the  departure  of 
M.  Talon  from  Canada,  no  results  of  moment 
seem  to  have  issued  from  these  discoveries.  But 
while  INIarquette  was  wafting  in  his  bark  canoe 
upon  tlie  waters  of  the  Mississippi,  discovering 
countries  and  gazing  at  wonders  hitherto  un- 
known to  the  civilized  world,  there  was  a  man 
on  the  banks  of  the  St.  LawTence,  whose  deep 
thoughts  were  brooding  over  projects  of  peril 
and  adventure,  which  he  was  destined  at  a 
future  day  to  put  in  execution.  Robert  Cave- 
LiER  DE  LA  Salle  camc  to  Canada  about  the 
vear  1667.  He  w^as  a  native  of  Rouen  in 
Normandy.  Of  the  day  of  liis  birth  no  record 
has  been  preserved.  It  is  cnly  related,  that  he 
w^as  of  a  good  family,  and  that  he  spent  ten  or 
tv/elve  of  his  earlier  years  in  a  seminary  of  the 
Jesuits,  w^here  he  acquired  an  accomplished 
education,  particularly  in  the  mathematics  and 
physical  sciences  as  they  were  taught  at  that  day. 
A  career  seems  to  have  been  marked  out  for 
him  m  the  church,  since  he  received  no  skare  in 
the  distribution  of  his  father's  property.  If  such 
plans  were  formed,  it  would  be  in  vain  to  inquire 


6  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

what  motives  induced  Iiim  to  change  them. 
When  lie  left  the  seminary,  however,  his  supe- 
riors gave  him  testimonials  of  an  unblemishea 
character,  and  of  their  approbation  of  his  con- 
duct during  the  time  he  had  been  under  theii 
charge. 

Tlie    objects   which    first    led    La    Salle    into 
Canada  can  only  be  inferred  from  his  subsequent 
pursuits.      For    several    years    no    other    aim    is 
apparent  than  that  of  accumulating  a  fortune  by 
the  Indian  trade,  consisting  chiefly  in  the  barter 
of  European   merchandise  for  beaver   skins   and 
other  peltries.      Considering   the  means  he  pos- 
sessed, however,  his  operations  were  on  a  large 
scale,  and  conducted   with  the  same  bold  spirit 
of  enterprise,  which  afterwards  bore  him  through 
so  many  scenes  of  trial  and  danger.     He  pushed 
forward  at  once  to  the  frontiers,  where  he  erected 
trading-houses,  and  superintended  in  person  the 
details  of  his  business,  freighting  his  bark  canoes 
and   ascending  the  rapids  of  the    St.  Lawrence 
and    other   rivers,    thereby  acquiring  a    practical 
sldll  in   the  only  kind   of  navigation  which   then 
existed  on  the  interior  waters  of  America.       In 
tliis   art  the  first   settlers    were    everywhere    the 
pupils  of  the  savages.     In  pursuing  his  schemes 
of  traihc,  La   Salle  made  excursions  among  the 
Indian  tribes   bordering    on   the   shores    of  Lake 
Ontario,  and  among  the    Kurons  farther    to  the 


ROBEIIT     DELASALLE.  < 

north,   gaining  a  knowledge  of   their   modes    of 
life,  manners,  respurces,  and  language. 

While  tlms  employed,  his  thoughts  were 
roaming  far  beyond  the  sphere  of  his  immediate 
occupations.  Speculative  minds  in  Europe  had 
long  been  dreaming  of  a  shorter  way  to  China 
and  Japan  across  the  North  American  continent. 
The  fervid  imagination  of  La  Salle  was  easily 
kindled  by  these  dreams.  The  vast  extent  of 
the  Great  Lakes,  wiiich  was  then  beginning  to 
be  made  knowii,  appeared  to  him  a  confirmation 
of  this  idea,  as  he  did  not  doubt,  that  at  their 
western  extremities  would  be  found  the  heads 
of  rivers  flowing  into  -the  China  Seas,  or  perhaps 
a  chain  of  other  lakes,  that  would  render  the 
communication  easy  and  direct.  To  commemo- 
rate these  anticipations  he  gave  the  name  of  La 
Chine  to  his  trading  establishment  on  the  Island 
of  Montreal,  a  name  it  has  borne  to  the  present 
day. 

Although  he  saw  glowing  visions  of  fame  and 
fortune  in  so  brilliant  a  discovery,  yet  he  was  not 
so  sanguine  as  to  believe  it  could  be  effected 
without  more  means  than  he  could  then  c<3m- 
mand,  either  by  his  personal  influence  or  from 
his  own  resources.  He  set  himself  to  learn  a 
lesson  of  patience,  and  resolved  to  wait  the 
favoring  tide  of  opportunity.  Meantime  Cour- 
celles,    the    Governor  of   Canada,   w^as    busy   in 


8  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

resisting  the  hostile  inroads  of  the  Iroquois.    He 
built  a  fort  at  Sorcl,  and  another  at    Chambly, 
and    proposed  to   erect    a    third    at    the    eastern 
extremity  of  Lake  Ontario,  where  the  St.  Law- 
rence   issues    from    that    lake.     This    plan    was 
carried   out    by    the    Count    de    Frontenac,    his 
successor    in    the    governmelit,    who     called     a 
council  of  Iroquois  chiefs  at  that  place,    and  so 
far  prevailed  over  their  simplicity  as  to  gain  their 
consent,  on  the  gi-ounds  that  this  fort  was  to  be 
only  a  depository  of  goods,  which  Vv'ould  facili- 
tate the  Indian  trade.     The  fort  was  constructed 
of  earth  and  palisades  of  wood  in  tlie  year  1672, 
and    called    at    first    Fort  Cataraqui,    but    after- 
wards  honored  with    the    name   of    its    founder. 
The  discerning  eye   of  La  Salle  perceived    that 
this  post  offered  great  advantages  for  the  execu- 
tion of  his  projects  of  traffic  and  discovery.     He 
aspired    to    its   command.      He    had    the   good 
fortune   to  win   the  favor  of  Frontenac,  a  man, 
says    Charlevoix,    of    quick    perceptions,    talents, 
and  cultivation,  but  of  determined  will,  absolute 
temper,    and   deep-rooted    prejudices.      Fortified 
by  the    countenance   of   Frontenac,  the  aspiring 
adventurer    repaired     to     France,    in    the    year 
1675,  and  laid  his  proposals  before  the  minister. 
The  capacious  genius  of  Colbert   then    presided 
over  the  finances  and  marine  of  France.      The 


ROBERT      DK      LA     SALLE.  if 

colonial   afluirs   were    under   the    control    of    the 
marine  department. 

Colbert  had   a  soul  to  comprehend    tlie  large 
schemes  of  La  Salle,  and  their  ultimate  bearing 
on  the  ])ower  of  France  in  the  new  world.     We 
are  authorized   to  l)clieve,  also,    that    La    Salle, 
during  his  residence  of  eight  years  in  Canada, 
had    acquired    a    character    \\'hich    commanded 
respect  and   confidence.     Louis  the    Fourteenth 
acceded    to   the    views  of  Colbert,    and    letters 
patent    were    issued,    and   signed   by   the    king's 
hand,  which   granted  the  government  and  prop- 
erty of  Fort  Frontenac  to  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle, 
with  the  seigniory  of  a  tract  of  land  arouiid  it, 
on  condition  that  he  sliould  rebuild  the  fort  with  • 
stone,    maintain    a    garrison    there    at    his    own 
expense,   and    clear   up    certain    portions    of  the 
land.      According     to    Hennepin,    he     likewise 
agreed  to  reimburse  the  amount  which  the  Count 
de    Frontenac    had     paid    for    constructing    the 
original  fort  and  supporting  the  garrison.*     Char- 
levoix  informs   us,    that  La    Salle  received  from 
the  king  a  patent  of  nobility,  but  in  v/jiat  rank 
or  degree   he  was  placed  by  this  patent  in  the 
scale    of  titles    does    not   appear.     He  was  em- 
powered, however,  to  hold  free  commerce   with 
the  natives,   and  to   pursue  his  discoveries. 

*  Description  de  la  Loui^ane,  p.  7. 


10  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

After  a  few  months'  detention  in  Fiance,  tlic 
new  lord  of  Cataraqui  returned  to  Quebec, 
and  repaired  immediately  to  his  seigniory.  Ap- 
plying himself  diligently  to  his  work,  he  faithfully 
performed  his  part  of  the  contract.  In  two 
years'  time,  the  palisades  and  embankments  of  the 
old  fort  were  demolished,  and  a  new  one,  of  much 
larger  dimensions,  arose  in  its  place,  constructed 
of  stone,  with  massive  walls  and  four  bastions. 
Trees  were  felled,  fields  planted,  and  the  scene 
was  enlivened  by  vegetable  gardens,  poultry- 
yards,  and  herds  of  cattle.  A  few  French  fam- 
ilies had  been  drawn  thither  by  such  temptations 
as  the  proprietor  could  hold  out  to  them  ;  and 
the  Recollect  missionaries  prevailed  on  some  of 
tlie  wandering  natives  to  set  up  their  cabins  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  fort,  and  to  allow  their 
children  to  be  taught.  A  convenient  and  secure 
harbor  lay  within  a  small  distance  from  the  fort, 
opening  into  the  lake  towards  the  south.  Not 
neglecting  his  commercial  interest,  on  which,  in- 
deed, he  depended  for  the  resources  to  meet  his 
heavy  expenditures.  La  Salle  built  three  small 
barks  with  decks,  the  first  of  that  description 
which  had  been  seen  above  the  rapids  of  the  St. 
Lawrence.  With  these  vessels  he  could  navigate 
Lake  Ontario,  and  traffic  with  the  savages  on  all 
its  borders. 

Having  accomplished  these  undertakings  with 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE. 


11 


a  despatch  and  success,  wliicli  aflbrded  a  signal 
proof  of  his  abihty  and  energy,  lie  was  now  in  a 
condition  to  turn  his  thoughts  again  to  his  gi-eat 
project  of  western  discovery.     After  the  expedi- 
tion of  Marquette  and  Joliet,  he  could  not  doubt 
that  the    Mississippi    discharged    itself    into    the 
Gulf  of  Mexico.      This  fact  only   inflamed   him 
with  the  more  vehement  desire  to  complete  the 
discovery    of  that   river,    to   be    the    founder  of 
colonics   on  its  banks,   and  thus  to  open  a   new 
avenue  of  trade  upon  navigable  waters  between 
France    and     the    vast    countries    of   the    west. 
Fortune  and  fame   seemed  to  stand   in  his  path, 
and  to  beckon  him  onward.     Nor  were  his  visions 
of  Cliina  and  Japan  grown  less  dim  or  attractive. 
He  still  hoped  to  find  a  passage  to  those  distant 
countries  from  the  head  waters  of  the  Mississippi. 
His  achievements  at    Fort  Frontenac  were  only 
preparatory  to  the  grand   enterprise  upoi)  which 
ne  had  so  long  set  his  heart.     He  had  continued 
to  preserve  the  friendship  of  the  Count  de  Fron- 
tenac,   who  approved  his  designs,  and  profTered 
his  influence  to  promote  them  with  the  court  of 
France.     Thus  encouraged,  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle 
made    another  voyage  to  his   native   country  to- 
wards the  end  of  the  vear  1677. 

The  great  Colbert  received  him  as  before,  and 
his  son,  the  Marquis  de  Seignelay,  who  was  now 
at  the  head  of  the  marine  department,  was  equally 


12  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

forward  in  advancing  an  enterprise,  which  prom  • 
ised  so  much  for  the  glory  and  power  of  France. 
With  its  successful  execution  these  ministers  saw 
almost  the  wliole  continent  of  North  America 
within  their  grasp.  As  La  Salle  asked  for  no  aid 
in  money  or  supplies  from  tlie  government,  his 
requests  were  the  more  readily  complied  with. 
New  letters  patent  were  gi-anted,  and  signed  by 
the  king,  May  12th,  1678,  confirming  his  rights 
to  the  fort  and  seigniory  of  Cataraqui,  and  bestow- 
ing additional  privileges  and  powers.*  He  was 
authorized  to  push  his  discoveries  as  far  as  he 
chose  to  the  westward,  and  to  build  forts  wherever 
he  should  think  proper,  on  the  same  conditions  as 
he  had  built  Fort  Frontenac.  To  meet  the  large 
expenses,  which  he  must  necessarily  incur,  the 
exclusive  traffic  in  buffalo  skins  was  accorded  to 
him  while  the  patent  continued,  but  he  was 
prohibited  from  trading  with  the  Hurons  and 
other  Indians,  who  usually  brought  their  furs  to 
Montreal.  The  object  of  this  prohibition  was, 
doubtless,  to  prevent  an  interference  with  the 
established  traders.  It  does  not  appear  to  have 
extended  to  the  upper  lakes,  or  to  the  westward 
of  those  lakes,  where  La  Salle  enjoyed  the  same 
privilege   as   others.     Buffalo   skins    had  but  re- 


•  See  a  translation  of  the  Ldlres  Patcntes  in  tlie  Appen- 
dix, No.  I. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     S  A  T,  L  E  .  13 

cently  been  brought  to  tlie  Canadian  market. 
He  must  have  heard  of  the  immense  numbers  of 
these  animals  that  wandered  over  the  western 
prairies,  and  have  formed  high  expectations  of  the 
profits  of  the  trade,  and  of  its  advantage  to  French 
commerce,  for  this  was  one  of  the  arguments 
which  he  used  to  the  ministers  in  sohciting  his 
grant.  He  took  some  of  the  skins  with  him  to 
France  as  a  sample.  Tlic  cost  of  transporting  so 
bulky  an  article  to  Canada  in  canoes  rendered  it 
the  more  important  to  seek  a  communication  with 
the  sea  through  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi. 
Tins  consideration  was  of  little  moment  com- 
pared with  others,  which  chiefly  v/eighed  upon 
his  mind.  He  sought  wealth  apparently  as  the 
means  of  attaining  his  favorite  ends.  The  love 
of  adventure,  the  passion  for  exploring  unknown 
lands,  and  the  ambition  of  planting  colonies  and 
of  building  up  a  nayie  which  should  rival  those 
of  the  early  discoverers  and  conquerors  of  the 
new  world,  these  were  the  motives  which  kindled 
the  aspirations  and  wrought  upon  the  strong 
heart  of  La   Salle. 

Among  the  men  of  rank,  v.ho  promoted  his 
apphcation  to  the  French  CQurt,  was  the  Prince  de 
Conti.  By  the  recommendation  of  this  nobleman, 
La  Salle  took  into  his  employ  the  Chevalier  de 
Tonty,  an  Italian  by  birth,  who  had  been  for 
several  years  in  the  French  army,  and  hnd  lost  a 


14  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

hand  in  the  service.  This  selection  proved  fortu 
nate.  Tonty  was  a  man  of  capacity,  courage, 
and  resolution,  and  he  continued  true  to  the 
interests  of  his  employer  to  the  last,  both  as  an 
officer  and  a  friend.*  Two  months  after  receiving 
his  patent,  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  sailed  from 
llochelle,  accompanied  by  Tonty,  the  Sieur  de  la 
Motte,  a  pilot,  mariners,  ship-carpenters,  end  other 
workmen,  in  all  about  thirty  persons.  He  also 
freighted  the  ship  with  anchors,  cordage,  and 
other  materials  necessary  for  rigging  small  vessels, 
which  he  designed  to  construct  for  the  navigation 
of  the  lakes.  To  these  was  added  a  quantity  of 
arms  and  merchandise.  With  this  equipage  he 
arrived  at  Quebec  near  the  end  of  September. 
Remaining  there  no  longer  than  was  necessary  to 
arrange  his  afiairs,  he  hastened  forward,  with  the 
whole  of  his  company,  to  Fort  Frontenac,  having 
succeeded,  with  great  labor  a|id  difficulty,  in  con- 
ducting his  heavy-laden  canoes  up  the  dangerous 
rapids  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 

*  In  some  autliors  the  name  retains  its  Italian  dress, 
Tonti;  but  I  have  seen  an  autonfraph  "written  Henry  de 
TonUj.  He  was  a  son  of  the  ItaUan  financier,  who  invented 
Ihe  Tonline^  a  method  of  life  insurance  adopted  in  France. 


ROBERT     D  E      L  .\     SALLE.  15 


CHAPTER   II. 

Recollect  Missionaries  in  Canada.  —  La  Salle  pre- 
pares for  his  Voyage  of  Discovery.  —  Builds  a 
Vessel  of  sixty  Tons  above  the  Falls  of  Niagara. 
—  Sails  throu[rh  the  Lakes  to  Mackinac. 

From  the  date  of  the  original  settlement  of  Can- 
ada, the  missionaries  performed  a  distinguished 
part  in  paving  the  way  to  an  intercourse  with  the 
Indians,  and  on  many  occasions  in  tempering  the 
ferocity  of  those  wild  men  of  the  forest.  This 
work  of  self-sacrifice  and  pious  zeal  was  at  first 
shared  between  the  Jesuits  and  Recollects,  a 
branch  of  the  Franciscan  stock  ;  but  at  an  early 
day  the  Jesuits  had  the  address  to  exclude  their 
brethren  of  a  different  order,  and  for  nearly  forty 
years  the  Canadian  mission  was  wholly  under 
their  control.  This  unbrotherly  act  was  deeply 
bewailed  by  the  Recollects,  as  appears  in  the 
narrative  of  Father  Le  Cercq,  one  of  their  number, 
who  unveils  the  secret  machinations,  political  and 
theological,  by  which  the  event  was  brought 
about.  During  this  period  were  published  the 
numerous  volumes  of  Relations,  which  consist  of 
the  annual  reports  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  in 
Canada,    containing   curious    incidents    of    their 


16  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

adventures  among  the  savages,  and  often  matter 
of  historical  value. 

But  the  Recollects  were  not  doomed  to  per- 
petual lamentations.  These  disciples  of  St.  Fran- 
cis were  restored  to  their  privileges  in  1G70,  and 
Father  Gabriel  de  la  Rabourde,  with  others  of  his 
fraternity,  came  over  to  Quebec,  and  established 
their  mission  on  its  former  basis.  They  were 
favored  by  the  good  will,  if  not  by  the  direct 
encouragement,  of  the  Count  de  Frontenac.  Be- 
fore the  fort  of  palisades  at  Cataraqui  was  com- 
pleted. Father  Gabriel  was  allowed  to  commence 
his  vocation  at  that  place,  and  the  mission  con- 
tinued under  his  direction  or  that  of  his  associates. 
Although  La  Salle  had  received  his  education  at 
the  hands  of  the  Jesuits,  and  had  lived  with  them 
for  many  years,  yet  his  predilections  seem  to  have 
leaned  towards  the  Recollects.  From  them  he 
chose  tlie  spiritual  guides,  who  were  to  accompany 
him  in  his  discoveries.  When  he  arrived  at  Fort 
Frontenac,  he  found  Fathers  Gabriel,  Louis  Hen- 
nepin, and  Zcnobe  Membra,  awaiting  his  orders  ; 
and  also  Luke  Buisset  and  Mclithon  Watteau,  the 
former  destined  for  the  missionary  station  at  the 
fort,  and  the  latter  for  that  at  Niagara.  They 
were  all  natives  of  the  Spanish  Netherlands. 
The  most  renowned  of  these  Fathers  was  Henne- 
pin, who  has  figured  in  the  literary  world,  and  who 
will  often  appear  in  the  course  of  tiiis  narrative. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  17 

He  came  to  Canada  in  the  same  vessel  with  the 
Sieur  de  la  Salle,  when  returning  after  his  first 
voyage  to  France ;  and  from  that  time  he  had  been 
employed  as  a  missionary  at  Fort  Frontenac,  or  in 
rambhng  among  the  Iroquois.  In  some  of  these 
excursions  he  visited  Albany,  then  called  New 
Orange,  and  other  frontier  settlements  of  New 
York.  Being  of  a  restless  temper,  it  was  not  his 
humor  to  remain  long  in  the  same  place. 

The  season  being  now  far  advanced  in  this 
northern  climate.  La  Salle  made  all  haste  to  begin 
the  preparations  for  liis  great  enterprise,  which  he 
resolved  to  set  on  foot  as  early  as  possible  in  the 
following  spring  or  summer.  A  vessel  was  to  be 
built  and  equipped  above  the  Falls  of  Niagara,  in 
which  he  could  navigate  the  upper  lakes  ;  and 
this  arduous  task  was  to  be  accomplished  in  the 
heart  of  winter,  by  a*  few  men,  at  a  distance  of 
several  hundred  miles  from  any  civilized  settle- 
ment, who  were  to  construct  and  guard  their  own 
habitations,  surrounded  by  savages,  who  looked 
with  no  approving  eye  upon  these  strange  inroads 
into  their  ancient  domains. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  three  small  vessels 
with  decks  had  been  built  at  Fort  Frontenac  the 
year  before.  On  the  18th  of  November,  one  of 
these  vessels,  a  brigantine  of  ten  tons,  was  de- 
spatched for  Niagara,  with  workmen  on  board,  and 
laden  with  provisions,  and   the   implements  and 

VOL.  I.  2 


18  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

materials  necessary  for  shipbuilding.  Tonty  was 
at  the  head  of  tliis  party,  accompanied  by  La 
Motte  and  Hennepin.  To  screen  their  slender 
craft  from  the  northwest  winds  by  the  protection 
of  a  lee  shore,  they  laid  their  course  along  the 
northern  coast  of  the  lake,  making  slow  progi*ess, 
and  running  agi'ound  two  or  three  times  in  at- 
tempting to  sail  up  a  river.  They  stopped  at  an 
Indian  village  near  the  present  town  of  Toronto, 
wliere  they  procured  from  the  natives  a  supply  of 
corn.  Steering  thence  across  the  upper  end  of 
the  lake,  they  encountered  head  winds  and  bad 
weather,  and  anchored  on  one  occasion  five 
leagues  from  the  land ;  but  they  had  the  good 
fortune,  on  the  6th  of  December,  to  furl  their  sails 
in  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara  River.  Here  they 
found  a  cluster  of  Indian  cabins,  the  tenants  of 
which  were  not  destitute  of  the  virtue  of  hospi- 
tality, for  they  regaled  their  unexpected  visiters 
with  a  repast  of  excellent  white-fisli,  which  were 
caught  in  great  abundance  at  that  place. 

The  next  day,  a  party  went  up  the  river,  in  a 
canoe,  as  far  as  the  hills  near  the  present  site 
of  dueenstown ;  but,  the  current  being  too  rapid 
to  permit  them  to  ascend  higher,  they  left  their 
canoe,  and  proceeded  by  land  around  the  falls  to 
the  Chippeway  River,  where  they  encamped  for 
the  night.  The  snow  was  now  a  foot  deep. 
They  were  searching  for  a  place  above  the  falls 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  19 

in  which  a  vessel  might  be  built  and  launched, 
and  taken  thence  into  Lake  Erie.  Returning]:  to 
the  mouth  of  the  river,  they  found  their  brigantine 
in  danger  from  the  floating  ice,  and  with  infinite 
labor  they  brought  it  up  to  the  foot  of  the  clilTs, 
and  dragged  it  ashore.  This  position  was  selected 
as  suitable  for  a  fort,  and  they  began  to  set  up 
palisades  and  cabins  necessary  for  their  immediate 
protection,  as  well  against  the  Indians  as  the 
severity  of  the  weather.  The  frozen  ground, 
covered  with  snow,  rendered  this  task  tedious 
and  difficult. 

To  prosecute  with  any  hope  of  success  the 
design  of  building  a  fort  and  a  ship  on  the  waters 
of  the  Niagara,  it  was  essential  to  have  the  appro- 
bation and  good  will  of  the  surrounding  Indians. 
The  powerful  nation  of  the  Senecas  resided  in  the 
vicinity.  La  Motte  had  orders  from  the  Sieur  de 
la  Salle  to  go  on  an  embassy  to  this  nation,  hold 
a  council  with  the  chiefs,  explain  his  objects, 
and  gain  their  consent.  Accompanied  by  Father 
Hennepin  and  seven  men  well  armed,  he  travelled 
about  thirty  leagues  through  the  woods,  and  came 
to  the  great  village  of  the  Senecas.  A  council-fire 
was  kindled,  around  which  the  Indians  assemxbled 
with  their  accustomed  gravity,  speeches  were 
delivered  on  both  sides,  and  the  French,  by  a 
profusion  of  presents  and  a  promise  to  estabhsh 
a  blacksmith  at  Niagara,  who  should  repair  the 


20  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Indians'  guns,  at  last  gained  their  point.  La 
Motte  and  his  companions  went  back  well  satis 
fied  to  Niagara ;  and  here  he  disappears  from 
the  scene.  The  hardships  which  thronged  around 
him  in  the  path  of  new  discoveries  were  more 
than  he  had  resolution  to  encounter,  and  ne 
returned  to  a  life  of  repose  in  Quebec. 

Tonty  remained  firm  at  his  post,  and  on  the 
20th  of  January,  the  whole  party,  who  still  lingered 
within  their  encampment  of  palisades,  were 
cheered  by  the  voice  of  La  Salle  himself,  who 
had  come  from  Fort  Frontenac  in  one  of  his  small 
vessels,  laden  with  provisions,  merchandise,  and 
materials  for  rigging  the  new  ship,  which  was 
destined  to  be  the  first  to  plough  the  waves  of  the 
great  western  lakes.  The  clouds  of  misfortune, 
however,  began  already  to  hang  over  his  prospects, 
and  to  cast  a  gloom  upon  the  future,  tliat  might 
have  disheartened  any  man  of  a  less  ardent  tem- 
perament and  resolute  spirit.  By  the  dissension 
of  two  pilots  the  brigantine  was  cast  away  on  the 
southern  shore  of  Lake  Ontario,  and  it  was  with 
difficulty  that  the  anchors  and  rigging  were  saved. 
Several  bark  canoes,  with  the  goods  and  provisions 
on  board,  were  wrecked  and  lost. 

On  his  passage,  La  Salle  had  made  a  visit  in 
person  to  the  Seneca  Lidians,  and  he  flattered  him- 
self that  he  had  so  far  won  their  favor,  that  they 
would  not  embarrass  his  operations.     It  is  to  be 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  21 

considered,  that  it  was  not  the  suspicious  temper 
alone  of  the  Indians  with  which  he  had  to  con- 
tend. The  monopoly  which  he  had  gained  from 
the  government,  the  many  advantages  which  this 
monopoly  gave  him,  and  the  large  scale  upon 
which  he  conducted  his  affairs,  raised  up  against 
him  a  host  of  enemies  among  the  traders  and 
merchants  of  Canada.  These  men  endeavored  to 
thwart  his  designs,  and  the  easiest  way  of  effecting 
this  end  was  to  stir  up  the  jealousy  of  the  savages, 
by  representing  that  his  plan  of  building  forts 
and  ships  on  their  borders  was  intended  only  to 
command  their  trade,  by  dictating  the  terms  and 
curbing  their  power.  Agents  were  sent  among 
the  Indians  to  scatter  reports  of  this  nature,  and 
to  sow  the  seeds  of  hostility. 

These  artifices  were  v/ell  known  to  La  Salle. 
He  was  on  his  guard,  but  was  not  deterred  for  a 
moment  in  pursuing  his  objects.  He  did  not, 
however,  press  the  point  of  constructing  a  perma- 
nent fort  at  Niagara.  This  was  not  necessary  to 
his  immediate  purpose.  His  present  aim  was  to 
push  forv/ard  with  all  speed  to  the  west,  and  he 
lost  no  time  in  making  preparation  for  his  voyage. 
The  place  for  a  dock-yard  was  selected  about  two 
leagues  above  the  falls,  at  the  outlet  of  a  creek  on 
the  western  side  of  Niagara  River.  Here  the  keel 
of  a  vessel  was  laid,  six  days  after  his  arrival,  and 
he  drove  the  first  bolt  with  his  own  hand. 


22  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Having  made  the  arrangements  for  prosecuting 
the  work,  lie  hastened  back  to  Fort  Frontenac, 
leaving  Tonty  in  command.  His  affairs  required 
his  presence  at  the  fort,  for  it  must  be  kept  in 
mind  that  the  expedition  was  to  be  carried  on 
wholly  at  his  own  expense ;  and  the  funds  were 
to  be  raised  by  his  credit,  and  by  such  thrift  in 
traffic  as  his  skill  and  means  would  allow.  Setting 
off'  with  two  men,  he  performed  the  journey  by 
land,  a  distance  of  nearly  three  hundred  miles, 
through  the  country  of  the  Five  Nations.  A  sack 
of  parched  corn  constituted  his  stock  of  provisions- 
The  two  men  and  a  dog  dmgged  his  baggage  over 
the  frozen  snow  and  ice. 

It  should  be  mentioned  that,  some  weeks 
previously,  he  had  despatched  fifteen  men  in 
canoes,  with  orders  to  proceed  through  the  lakes 
to  Mackinac  and  other  is-Iands  in  that  vicinity, 
and  thence  to  the  Illinois  country  at  the  south  end 
of  Lake  Michigan.  These  men  were  supplied 
with  merchandise,  to  trade  with  the  natives  for 
furs  and  skins.  It  was  also  expected  that  they 
would  collect  provisions  at  diflferent  posts  ;  and 
the}  were  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  Sieur  de  la 
Salle  with  his  exploring  company. 

Meantime  the  shipbuilders  applied  themselves 
with  diligence  to  their  task,  under  the  direction  of 
Tonty.  The  savages  excited  alarm  now  and  then 
by  hovering  around  and  sometimes  entering  the 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  23 

encampment  with  less  ceremony  than  beseemed 
well  disposed  visiters.  An  Indian  woman  brought 
them  intelligence  that  a  plot  was  laid  to  burn  the 
vessel  while  it  was  on  the  stocks.  Again,  the 
provisions  on  board  the  brigantine  having  been 
lost,  a  scarcity  was  feared,  especially  as  the  Indians 
would  not  sell  their  corn.  Two  eastern  Indians, 
however,  employed  as  hunters,  were  so  successful 
in  their  calling  as  to  furnish  seasonable  supplies 
of  fresh  deer  and  game.  Notwithstanding  this 
resource,  the  sufferings  of  the  men  from  cold  and 
privation,  and  their  apprehension  of  savage  toma- 
hawks, betrayed  them  into  occasional  symptoms 
of  discontent.  Father  Hennepin  takes  credit  to 
himself  for  allaying  their  fears,  and  soothing  their 
anxieties,  by  the  exhortations  which  he  proffered 
to  them  as  supplements  to  his  sermons. 

However  this  may  be,  the  work  went  rapidly 
forward,  and  in  good  time  the  ship  was  launched, 
to  the  great  joy  of  all.  The  event  was  commemo- 
rated by  the  firing  of  three  guns.  The  vessel  was 
named  The  Grijfin,  in  compliment  to  the  Count 
de  Frontenac,  whose  armorial  bearings  were 
adorned  by  two  griffins  as  supporters. 

The  men  swung  their  hammocks  under  the 
deck,  secure  in  their  floating  fortification  from 
the  intrusion  of  the  savages.  No  wonder  that 
from  this  time  they  were  cheered  with  more 
buoyant  spirits  and  flushed  with  brighter  hopes. 


4  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

The  ship  was  completely  finished,  rigged,  and 
equipped  within  six  months  from  the  day  on 
which  the  keel  was  laid.  The  ornamental  parts 
were  not  forgotten.  A  griffin,  Vv'ith  expanded 
wings,  surmounted  by  an  eagle,  sat  on  the  prow- 
Five  small  guns,  two  of  brass,  and  three  arque 
buses,  w^ere  the  arms  of  defence.  The  burden 
was  sixty  tons.  The  success  with  which  this 
undertaking  had  been  carried  through,  in  the 
face  of  so  many  obstacles  and  embarrassments 
was  creditable  to  the  abihty  of  the  Chevalier  de 
Tonty,  and  to  his  skill  in  command.  Hitherto 
the  current  of  the  river  above  the  falls  had  been 
untried,  and  the  navigators  of  the  Griffin  did  not 
venture  to  trust  their  sails  in  making  this  new 
experiment.  The  vessel,  was  cautiously  towed 
along  the  shore,  and  moored  in  safety  within 
three  miles  of  Lake  Erie. 

During  this  period,  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  re- 
mained at  Fort  Frontenac,  attending  to  his  com- 
mercial and  other  affairs.  It  required  no  small 
degree  of  vigilance  to  counteract  the  manoeuvres 
of  his  enemies,  who  were  bent  on  defeating  all 
his  plans.  They  spread  reports  that  he  was 
about  to  engage  in  a  most  hazardous  adventure, 
the  expenses  of  which  were  enormous,  and  from 
vvliich  there  could  be  litde  hope  of  his  ever 
returning,  and  that  his  visionary  schemes  'and 
unyielding   temper    would   ruin   himself  and   all 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE. 


25 


concerned  with  him.  These  rumors  alarmed 
his  creditors  in  Montreal  and  Quebec,  who 
seized  upon  his  eflects  there,  and  sold  them  at 
a  great  loss  to  their  owner.  There  was  no 
remedy  for  these  vexations  ;  the  delay  in  recti- 
fying them  would  effect  tlie  very  object  at 
which  the  instigators  aimed  ;  and  he  submitted 
to  them  with  patience ;  although  his  property  of 
Fort  Frontenac  and  the  lands  around  it,  which  he 
must  necessarily  leave  behind  him,  was  in  value 
more  than  double  the  amount  of  all  his  debts. 

Before  leaving  Fort  Frontenac,  he  performed 
an  act  of  generosity  to  the  Recollects,  who  were 
about  to  depart  with  him,  by  making  a  perpetual 
grant  to  their  order.  He  had  already  built  houses 
and  a  chapel  for  their  accommodation,  and  he 
now,  by  a  legal  instrument,  drawn  up  and  attested 
by  his  notary.  La  Metairie,  gave  to  the  order  of 
Recollects  eighteen  acres  of  land  on  the  margin 
of  the  lake  near  the  fort,  and  a  hundred  acres 
more-  of  forest  land. 

Hearing  that  his  ship  w^as  ready,  he  hastened 
to  Niagara,  skirting  along  the  southern  sliore  of 
Lake  Ontario  in  a  canoe,  and  stopping  by  the 
way  to  cement  his  friendship  with  the  Iroquois 
by  new  presents  and  promises.  Arriving  at  the 
ship,  he  was  rejoiced  to  find  all  preparations  in 
forwardness,  and  the  men  in  good  spirits.  The 
wind  not  being  strong  enough  for  a  few  days  to 


26  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

encourage  the  attempt  to  surmount  the  rapids 
at  the  head  of  the  Niagara  River,  tlie  time  was 
employed  in  grubbing  up  the  soil  and  planting 
seeds.  At  length,  advantage  being  taken  of  a 
favorable  wind,  with  the  aid  of  twelve  men  pull- 
ing by  a  rope  on  the  shore,  the  ship  escaped  all 
danger,  and  floated  triumphantly  on  the  waters  of 
Lake  Erie.  The  brass  cannon,  the  arquebuses, 
and  a  volley  of  firearms,  attested  the  joy  which 
this  occasion  inspired ;  the  forests  resounded  with 
the  acclamations  of  the  men  ;  and  tlie  Indians 
gazed  with  mute  astonishment  at  so  novel  a  scene. 

The  company  now  assembled  on  the  deck  of 
the  Griffin  amounted  in  all  to  thirty-four.  The 
three  missionaries,  the  venerable  Father  Ribourde, 
the  erratic  Hennepin,  and  the  amiable  Zenobe, 
were  at  their  posts.  A  small  party  was  left  at 
Niagara  under  the  spiritual  charge  of  Father 
Melithon  Watteau.  The  Chevalier  de  Tonty  had 
been  sent  forward  some  time  before,  v/itli  five 
men  in  canoes,  instructed  to  proceed  to  Mackinac, 
and  look  after  the  fifteen  men,  whom  La  Salle 
had  despatched  thither  in  the  autumn  preceding 
for  purposes  of  trade. 

On  the  7th  of  August,  1679,  the  sails  of  the 
Grifiin  were  spread  to  the  winds  of  Lake  Erie, 
and  our  adventurers  committed  their  destiny  to 
the  great  waters.     Confiding  in  the  strength  of 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  27 

their  vessel,  and  the  skill  of  the  mariners,  they 
sailed  fearlessly  into  the  lake,  and  shaped  their 
course  by  the  compass.  The  voyage  was  pros- 
perous. On  the  third  day  were  descried  tlie 
islands  at  the  mouth  of  the  strait  leading  to  Lake 
Huron.  In  sailing  up  this  strait,  hitherto  not 
explored  except  with  canoes,  more  caution  was 
necessary,  but  they  ran  safely  through  it  in  thir- 
teen days.  The  small  lake,  which  they  crossed 
in  their  way,  they  called  St.  Claire,  in  honor  of 
the  saint  whose  name  appears  in  the  calendar  for 
the  day  on  which  they  entered  it.  By  frequent 
soundings  and  other  precautions,  they  passed 
without  accident  over  the  shallow  waters  of  the 
strait  near  its  northern  extremity,  till  tlieir  sails  at 
last  caught  the  breezes  of  Lake  Huron. 

Standing  thus  on  an  open  sea,  they  felt  more 
secure,  and  with  good  heart  turned  the  prow 
towards  the  port  of  their  destination.  With  the 
usual  vicissitudes  of  head-winds  and  calms,  they 
advanced  slowly,  but  without  danger,  till  a  terrible 
tempest  arose,  which  filled  the  boldest  mariners 
with  dismay.  Hennepin  tells  us  that  even  the 
resolute  soul  of  La  Salle  quailed  before  the  hor- 
rors that  surrounded  him.  Joining  with  the 
others  in  fervent  prayers  to  St.  Anthony  of  Padua, 
he  made  a  vow,  that,  if  he  should  be  delivered 
out  of  these  perils,  tlie  first  chapel  erected  in  his 
newly-discovered   countries  should   be  dedicated 


28  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

to  that  gi-eat  saint  *  The  pilot  was  the  only 
man  among  them,  whose  devotions  were  not 
quickened  by  these  appalhng  scenes.  He  poured 
out  his  complaints  upon  La  Salle,  as  the  author 
of  these  calamities,  and  bewailed  the  sad  fate, 
by  which,  after  the  glory  he  had  gained  in 
braving  the  storms  and  rage  of  the  ocean 
in  every  clime,  he  was  now  doomed  to  perish 
in  a  fresh-water  lake.  Happily  the  winds  abat- 
ed, the  billows  ceased  to  roll,  and,  on  the  27th 
of  August,  a  favoring  breeze  wafted  the  Griffin 
into   a  placid   bay  in    the    Island   of   Mackinac 


CHAPTER  HI. 

Sails  to  an  Island  at  the  Entrance  of  Green  Bay. 
■ —  Proceeds  on  his  Voyage  in  Canoes  along  the 
Western  Shore  of  Lake  Michigan.  —  Disasters 
of  the  Voyage.  —  Meets  a  Party  of  Indiaris, 
who  threaten  Hostilities.  —  Arrives  at  the  Mi- 
amis  River. 

It  was  the   first  purpose   of  our  voyagers    to 
make  a  favorable  impression   u})on   the  Indians, 


•  Hennepin's   Descnptioji  de  la  Louisiane,  p.   58.      Lt 
Clercq^s  Elablissemcrd  de  la  Foy,  p.  148. 


ROBERT     DE    LA     SALLE.  29 

■ 

whose  friendship  was  essential  to  their  success. 
These  sons  of  the  forest  looked  with  wonder  at 
the  ship,  the  first  they  had  ever  seen,  which  they 
called  the  great  ivooden  canoe  ;  and  their  aston- 
ishment w^as  increased  when  they  went  on  board, 
and  heard  the  roar  of  the  cannon.  The  Sieur  do 
la  Salle,  clothed  in  a  scarlet  cloak  edged  with 
gold,  and  attended  by  some  of  his  men  w^ell 
dressed  and  armed,  made  a  visit  of  ceremony  to 
the  head-men  of  the  village,  where  he  was  re- 
ceived and  entertained  with  much  civility,  and 
where  the  missionaries   celebrated  mass. 

On  the  opposite  shore  of  the  strait,  which 
separates  Mackinac  from  Michigan,  was  a  set- 
tlement of  Hurons,  which  Father  Marquette  had 
gathered  at  that  place  several  years  before.  Their 
habitations  stood  on  an  eminence,  and  were 
surrounded  by  palisades.  They  had  already 
made  such  progress  in  civilization,  that  they 
understood  the  use  of  firearms,  which  they  had 
procured  from  the  French  traders,  and  they  salut- 
ed the  commander  of  the  great  canoe  with  three 
rounds  from  all  their  guns.  This  show  of  civility, 
however,  was  more  politic  than  sincere,  for  their 
friendly  dispositions  were  no  further  manifested. 

In  fact.  La  Salle  soon  discovered  that  the  zeal 
of  his  enemies  in  Canada  had  been  exceedinsrlv 
active  against  him  during  the  summer,  and  that 
they  had  taken  pains,  by  their  emissaries,  to  poison 


30  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

• 

the  minds  of  the  Indians  and  traders  in  all  that 
reipon.  They  had  represented  him  as  having  a 
design,  not  only  to  monopolize  the  trade  in  furs 
and  skins,  but  to  invade  and  subdue  the  natives. 
Reports  of  this  nature  occasioned  suspicion,  and 
put  them  on  their  guard.  These  machinations 
operated  to  his  disadvantage  in  another  quarter. 
The  fifteen  men,  whom  he  had  sent  forward  to 
barter  and  collect  provisions,  had  been  tampered 
with  and  seduced  from  their  duty.  Instead  of 
going  to  the  Illinois,  as  they  w^ere  ordered,  they 
had  wasted  the  time  at  Mackinac,  and  on  the 
islands  and  coasts  in  the  neinrhborhood.  Some 
had  deserted,  and  others  had  squandered  a  part 
of  the  merchandise  with  which  they  were  fur- 
nished for  traffic.  Tonty,  who  reached  Mackinac 
in  a  canoe  some  time  before  the  vessel  arrived, 
had  been  unable  to  find  them  all,  or  to  satisfy 
the   disaffected  at  that  place. 

These  disappointments  were  discouraging,  but 
they  could  not  be  remedied,  and  the  season  was 
too  far  advanced  to  admit  of  delay.  It  was 
known  that  some  of  the  deserters  had  gone  to 
the  Falls  of  St.  Mary,  and  others  to  the  Indian 
villages  in  that  direction  on  the  western  shores  of 
Lake  Huron.  These  men  were  important  to  the 
success  of  the  expedition,  and  Tonty  was  sent 
with  a  small  party  in  canoes  to  search  for  them, 
and   prevail   on    them  to  return   to    tlie    service 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  31 

Moreover,  a  few  of  thciii,  it  was  believed,  were 
true  to  their  engagements,  and  were  detained  in 
carrying  on  their  trade  with  the  natives. 

Meantime  the  sails  of  the  Griffin  were  again 
spread  to  the  wind.  Passing  through  the  strait 
between  Mackinac  and  the  main  land  on  the 
opposite  side,  the  explorers  entered  the  broad 
expanse  of  Lake  Michigan,  and,  coasting  along 
its  northern  borders,  after  a  prosperous  voyage  of 
somewhat  more  than  a  hundred  miles,  they  cast 
anchor  in  a  small  island  at  the  mouth  of  Green 
Bay.  This  island  was  inhabited  by  Pottawatimies, 
being  a  portion  of  a  tribe  of  Indians  of  that  name 
residing  in  the  ¥/isconsin  territory.  And  here 
the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  had  the  good  luck  to  meet 
with  several  of  his  men, "who  had  been  diligent 
in  collecting  furs,  and  had  laid  up  a  large  quan- 
tity in  store. 

With  these  furs,  and  others  that  might  be 
procured  at  Mackinac,  and  at  the  different  posts 
on  the  passage,  he  resolved  to  freight  his  ship, 
and  send  her  back  to  Niagara,  for  the  purpose  of 
making  a  remittance  to  his  creditors.  This  was 
apparently  a  sudden  resolution,  and  not  satis- 
factory to  his  people,  who  must  thenceforth 
pursue  their  route  in  canoes,  exposed  to  numerous 
hardships  and  dangers;  and  in  the  end  it  proved 
extremely  unfortunate.  But  he  seldom  asked 
counsel   of  any   person,  and   was  not   easily   di 


32  AJIERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

verted  from  an  object  upon  which  he  had  set  his 
mind.  Besides,  he  doubtless  thought  that  his 
men  could  not  reasonably  complain  of  hardships, 
which  he  was  to  share  in  the  same  measure  as  all 
the  others.  Within  two  weeks  after  their  arrival 
at  the  island,  the  vessel  sailed,  having  on  board 
the  pilot  and  five  mariners  bound  for  Niagara. 
The  pilot  was  ordered  to  come  back  as  soon  as 
possible,  and  pursue  his  voyage  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Miamis  River,  at  the  southeastern  extremity 
of  Lake  Michigan. 

The  company  now  remaining  consisted  of  four- 
teen persons.  These  were  to  be  transported 
along  the  west,  side  of  Lake  Michigan  in  four 
bark  canoes,  which  were  likewise  laden  with  a 
blacksmith's  forge,  carpenters'  tools,  utensils  of 
various  kinds,  merchandise,  and  arms.  A  small 
stock  of  provisions  only  was  laid  in,  becau^t;  it  was 
expected  that  supplies  would  be  obtained  on  the 
way  from  the  Indians,  and  by  the  hunters  when- 
ever they  landed.  In  all  his  travels.  La  Salle 
seems  to  have  been  accompanied  by  a  faithful 
Indian  from  some  of  the  eastern  tribes,  who 
served  him  in  the  double  capacity  of  footman  and 
hunter,  being  exceedingly  expert  in  the  use  of  his 
gun  and  in  searching  for  game,  and  on  whose 
skill  and  activity  he  and  his  companions  often 
depended  for  subsistence. 

All   the    preparations   being   made,  they    took 


ROBERT     DE     LA      SALLE  33 

their  departure  from  the  island  on  the  19th  of 
September.  Nightfall  came  on  before  they 
reached  the  nearest  point  of  the  continent, 
which  was  twelve  miles  distant.  Darkness  thick- 
ened, the  waves  rose,  and  the  water  dashed  into 
the  canoes ;  but  they  contrived  to  keep  together, 
and  to  find  a  landing-place  in  the  morning. 
Here  they  were  detained  four  days  in  a  barren 
spot,  till  the  lake  became  calm.  A  single  porcu- 
pine was  the  only  trophy  that  rewarded  the  hunt- 
er's fatiguing  rambles,  which  Father  Hennepin 
says  afforded  a  savory  relish  to  their  pumpkins 
and  corn.  Trusting  their  fragile  canoes  again  to 
the  waves,  they  were  soon  overtaken  by  new 
disasters.  Clouds  gathered  over  them,  the  winds 
blew  angrily,  and,  deluged  v.ith  rain  and  sleet, 
they  w'ere  glad  to  seek  safety  on  a  naked  rock 
for  two  days,  with  no  other  shelter  than  their 
blankets.  At  the  end  of  another  day,  they  were 
in  so  great  danger  in  attempting  to  land,  that  the 
Sieur  de  la  Salle  leaped  into  the  water  with  his 
men,  and  assisted  them  to  drag  his  canoe  ashore. 
His  example  was  followed  by  those  in  the  other 
canoes.  They  landed  somewhere  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  River  Milwaukie. 

By  this  time  the  provisions  were  exhausted, 
but  they  had  seen  Indians,  and  presumed  their 
habitations  w^ere  near.  Three  men  were  sent, 
with  the  calumet  of   peace,  to  search   for  corn. 

VOL.    I.  3 


34  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

They  came  to  a  deserted  village,  where  they 
found  abundance  of  corn,  of  which  they  took  as 
much  as  they  wanted,  and  left  such  articles  as 
the  natives  valued  in  exchange.  Before  night  the 
Indians  hovered  suspiciously  around  the  party  at 
the  canoes ;  but,  when  the  calumet  of  peace  was 
presented,  they  showed  themselves  friends,  and 
entertained  their  visiters  with  dances  and  songs. 
They  were  so  well  satisfied  with  the  goods  left  in 
the  village,  that  the  next  day  they  brought  more 
corn  and  a  supply  of  deer,  for  which  they  were 
amply  rewarded. 

Tliis  proof  of  human  sympathy,  even  from 
men  called  savages,  was  a  sunbeam  in  the  path  of 
the  weary  voyagers.  Their  troubles,  however, 
were  not  at  an  end.  Launching  their  canoes 
again  upon  the  water,  they  were  doomed  to  wage 
the  same  hard  conflict  with  the  angry  elements  ; 
at  times  dragging  their  canoes  upon  the  rocks  to 
escape  the  fury  of  the  waves,  and  at  other  times 
pulling  them  ashore  through  the  foaming  surf, 
with  the  spray  beating  over  their  heads.  Such 
were  the  perils  to  which  they  were  exposed,  and 
the  sufferings  they  endured,  almost  without  cessa- 
tion, till  they  reached  the  end  of  the  lake,  and 
turned  their  course  eastward.  Here  the  waters 
were  more  tranquil,  and  on  the  land  they  could 
regale  themselves  with  the  flesh  of  deer  and  wild 
turkeys,  which  fell  an  easy  prey  to  the  hunters. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  35 

Grape  vines  hung  in  graceful  festoons  from  the 
tall  forest  trees,  loaded  with  clusters  of  ripe 
fruit,  which  was  gathered  by  cutting  down  the 
trees.  At  length,  to  enjoy  a  little  repose,  they 
went  ashore  on  a  small  peninsula,  and  drew  their 
canoes  upon  the  beach. 

The  footprints  of  men  had  been  seen  near  this 
place,  which  indicated  that  Indians  were  not  far 
oft'.  At  present  La  Salle  had  no  desire  to  make 
their  acquaintance.  He  gave  express  orders  that 
every  one  should  keep  quiet,  and  be  on  his  guard. 
But  one  of  the  men,  seeing  a  bear  in  a  tree, 
could  not  resist  so  tempting  an  opportunity  to  try 
his  gun,  and  he  shot  the  bear  dead,  and  dragged 
him  in  triumph  to  the  camp.  These  animals 
climbed  the  trees  to  feast  on  the  grapes.  La  Salle 
was  vexed  at  this  piece  of  indiscretion  in  the 
man,  and,  to  avoid  surprise,  placed  a  sentinel 
near  the  canoes,  which  had  been  turned  bottom 
upwards  to  screen  the  goods  under  them  from 
the  rain. 

The  noise  of  the  gun  was  heard  by  the  savages, 
who  proved  to  be  a  roving  party  of  Outtagamies, 
or  Fox  Lidians,  from  Green  Bay,  apparently  on  a 
hunting  excursion.  In  the  night  several  of  them 
crept  silently  by  the  camp,  and  came  to  the 
canoes,  where  they  succeeded  in  stealing  a  coat 
and  some  other  articles  before  they  were  dis- 
covered.    The  alarm  was  given,  and  the  Frencli- 


36  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

men  flew  to  their  arms.  The  Indians  then  cried 
out  that  they  were  friends,  and  that,  hearing  the 
gun,  they  suspected  a  party  of  Iroquois  to  be  in 
the  neighborhood,  who,  being  enemies,  could  only 
design  to  kill  them.  To  ascertain  whether  their 
suspicions  were  correct,  they  said,  was  the  occa- 
sion of  their  coming  so  near  the  camp ;  and  since 
they  found  themselves  among  Frenchmen  from 
Canada,  whom  they  regarded  as  brethren,  they 
had  no  disposition  to  be  obtrusive,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  should  be  well  pleased  to  smoke  the 
calumet  of  peace.  Not  caring  to  embroil  him- 
self unnecessarily,  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  allowea 
them  to  depart,  telling  them  that  he  would  re- 
ceive a  visit  from  four  of  their  number,  but  no 
more.  Accordingly  four  old  men  came  to  him, 
smoked  their  pipes,  and  proffered  friendship. 

Not  long  after  they  were  gone,  the  theft  was 
detected,  which  placed  matters  upon  another 
footing.  If  such  an  affront  were  suffered  to  pass 
unnoticed,  a  repetition  of  it  might  be  expected, 
with  other  insults.  La  Salle  was  determined  to 
have  satisfaction.  He  went  out  with  some  of  his 
men,  and  seized  two  of  the  Indians,  who  were 
strolling  in  the  woods,  and  brought  them  back 
prisoners.  One  of  these  he  sent  to  the  chiefs 
with  a  message,  that,  unless  the  stolen  goods  were 
restored,  the  life  of  the  prisoner  remaining  in 
his   hands   should  be  the   forfeit.     This   message 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE. 


•37 


threw  the  Indian  encampment  into  a  state  of 
great  perplexity,  for  the  coat  and  other  articles 
had  been  cut  into  many  pieces,  and  distributed 
to  different  individuals,  so  that  the  demand  could 
not  be^omplied  with.  It  was  finally  decided, 
as  the  only  resort,  that  they  would  rescue  the 
prisoner  by  force,  l^hey  marched  to  the  attack, 
but  the  movement  was  discovered  in  time  to 
enable  the  Frenchmen  to  advance  to  an  eminence 
near  the  sandy  plain,  which  separated  the  penin- 
sula from  the  main  land,  and  to  take  such  a 
position  as  the  savages  were  not  eager  to  assail. 
For  a  brief  space  these  demonstrations  seemed 
ominous  of  a  conflict;  but,  the  Indians  being 
evidently  reluctant  to  make  the  assault,  and  their 
opponents  having  nothing  to  gain  by  it,  there 
was  not  much  difficulty  in  coming  to  a  parley, 
which  led  to  a  settlement  of  the  dispute  without 
bloodshed  or  blows.  Father  Hennepin,  as  usual, 
plumes  himself  upon  this  happy  issue  of  events, 
ascribing  it  to  his  valor  and  presence  of  mmd  m 
going  boldly  among  the  Indians,  in  the  face  of 
their  war-clubs  and  tomahawks,  and  presenting 
himself  as  a  mediator  and  peace-maker.  He  had 
seen  battles  and  sieges  in  Flanders,  and  was 
not  now  to  be  intimidated  by  the  parade  of 
Indian  warfare. 

The  Sieur  de  la  Salle  agreed  to  admit  a  depu- 


38'  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

tation  of  two  persons,  and  promised  their  safety. 
Two  old  men  made  their  appearance,  and  said 
that  the  robbery  was  disapproved,  and  that  the 
goods  would  have  been  restored  if  it  had  been 
possible ;  but,  since  it  was  not  so,  the  o^y  thing 
that  could  now  be  done  was  to  return  such  as 
were  not  injured,  and  pay  for  the  rest.  So  rea- 
sonable a  proposition  could  not  be  refused.  The 
treaty  was,  moreover,  confirmed  by  a  rich  present 
of  beaver  skin  robes.  The  cessation  of  hostihties 
on  these  terms  was  mutually  gratifying  to  the 
parties.  The  event  was  celebrated  by  feasts, 
dancing,  and  speeches,  and  the  Indian  orators 
called  up  all  their  rhetoric  to  adorn  and  enforce 
their  expressions  of  attachment  to  their  new 
friends. 

Harmony  being  thus  restored,  the  canoes  were 
again  put  afloat,  and,  without  further  adventures, 
the  whole  party  entered,  on  the  1st  of  November, 
the  mouth  of  the  Miamis  River,  since  called  the 
St.  Joseph. 


ROBE  RTDEL  A    SALLE.  39 


CHAPTER   IV. 

Builds  a  Fort.  —  Joined  by  the  Chevalier  de  Tonty. 
—  TjOss  of  the  Grijfm.  —  The  Sieur  de  la  Salle 
and  the  ivholc  Party  go  down  the  Kankakee 
River  to  the  Illinois. — Arrive  at  a  deserted 
Indian  Villasre.  —  Descend  the  River  to  Lake 

o 

Peoria.  —  Land  at  a  large  Settlement  of  Illinois 
Indians  at  the  South  End  of  the  Lake. 

The  Miamis  River  had  been  appointed  as  the 
rendezvous  of  the  ship,  and  of  the  Chevaher 
de  Tonty,  who  was  expected  to  bring  with  him 
about  twenty  men.  La  Salle  was  disappointed 
not  to  find  this  party  already  arrived,  since  their 
route  from  Mackinac  was  along  the  eas1  side  of 
the  lake,  which  was  much  shorter  thriiii  that  on 
the  west,  over  which  he  had  passed.  P/is  anxie- 
ties were  also  increased  by  the  murmurs  of  his 
men.  The  provisions  were  all  consumed,  except 
such  as  could  be  obtained  by  the  chase ;  and  they 
urged  him  not  to  stop  here,  but  to  make  haste  to 
the  Illinois  country,  where  corn  might  be  procured 
from  the  natives.  They  said  the  winter  was  fast 
approaching,  and  the  rivers  would  soon  b^  closed 
with  ice,  and,  if  they  were  detained  in  this  deso- 
late spot,  there  would  be  the  greatest  danger  of 
perishing  by  famine,  or  of  being  cut  off  by  hostile 
Indians. 


40  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

This  counsel  did  not  accord  with  the  views  of 
tlie  commander.  He  told  them  that  it  would  be 
hazardous  to  go  with  so  small  a  number  among 
the  Illinois,  who  were  a  great  nation,  and  on 
whose  dispositions  they  could  not  rely,  and  that 
it  would  be  more  safe  to  wait  for  the  expected 
reinforcement,  by  which  they  would  be  enabled 
to  make  a  better  appearance,  and  stand  a  better 
chance  of  gaining  the  respect  and  friendship  of 
the  natives.  In  the  mean  time,  he  hoped  to  fall 
in  with  some  straggling  party  of  that  nation,  and 
to  conciliate  their  favor  by  presents  and  kind 
treatment,  and,  perhai:)s,  to  learn  something  of 
their  language.  He  added,  moreover,  that,  if  he 
were  deserted  and  abandoned  by  them  all,  he 
should  remain  at  that  place  with  his  Indian  hunt- 
er and  the  missionaries. 

The  luen  seemed  very  much  dissatisfied  with 
this  determination ;  but  they  yielded,  and  agreed 
to  obey  his  directions.  To  divert  their  thoughts, 
and  employ  them  in  a  manner  that  might  prove 
useful  to  his  designs,  he  resolved  to  build  a  fort. 
At  the  junction  of  the  river  with  the  lake,  there 
was  a  hill  of  considerable  elevation,  and  of  a  tri- 
angular form,  bounded  on  two  sides  by  the  water, 
and  on  J:he  other  by  a  deep  ravine.  The  top  was 
level  and  covered  with  trees.  This  position  was 
chosen  for  the  fort.  Tlie  trees  were  cut  down, 
and  the  bushes  cleared  away,  so  as  to  leave  tlie 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  4^ 

ground  open  to  the  distance  of  two  musket  shots 
on  the  side  towards  the  ravine.  Logs  were  tlien 
cut  and  hewn,  so  that  they  could  be  laid  com- 
pactly one  upon  another,  and  with  tlicse  timbers 
a  breastwork  was  raised  on  four  sides,  enclosing  a 
space  eighty  feet  long  and  forty  broad,  wliich,  for 
greater  security,  was  to  be  surrounded  by  pali- 
sades.     The    structure  was    called  Fort  Miamis. 

While  this  work  was  going  on,  the  precaution 
was  ta^en  to  sound  the  river  at  its  entrance,  for 
the  purpose  of  ascertaining  whether  the  water  was 
deep  enough  to  admit  the  Griffin.  The  main 
channel  was  thus  discovered,  and  long  stakes 
were  driven  down  on  eaoh  side  of  it,  with  bear 
skins  attached  to  them,  as  signals  for  the  pilot. 
Two  men  were  likewise  sent  back  by  the  shortest 
route  to  Mackinac,  with  instructions  to  the  cap- 
tain, urging  him  to  sail  up  tlie  lake  as  soon  as 
possible,  and  informing  him  of  the  signals  by 
which  he  would  be  enabled  to  bring  the  vessel 
immediately  into  the  river. 

These  occupations  kept  all  hands  busy  during 
the  month  of  November.  The  discontent  of  the 
men,  however,  did  not  cease,  although  they  were 
submissive  to  the  orders  of  the  commander.  To 
sustain  them  under  their  fatigues  and  hard  labor, 
they  had  no  other  food  than  the  flesh  of  bears, 
which  the  Indian  hunter  killed  in  the  woods. 
They   became    satiated  and    disgusted   with    this 


42  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

coarse  fare,  and  desired  to  go  out  and  hunt  fo/ 
deer  and  game.  This  permission  was  not  grant- 
ed, because  it  was  evident  that  they  were  more 
bent  on  desertion  than  on  improving  their  diet. 

At  last  the  Chevaher  de  Tonty  appeared,  with 
two  canoes  well  stocked  with  deer,  which  had 
been  recently  killed.  This  seasonable  supply  and 
accession  of  numbers  cheered  the  spirits  of  the 
whole  company.  Tonty  had  left  some  of  his  men 
two  or  three  days'  journey  behind,  who  were 
expected  to  follow,  but  whom  he  could  not  divert 
from  their  amusement  of  shooting  stags  and 
gathering  acorns,  in  both  of  wiiich  the  forests 
abounded.  Perceiving  that  his  commander  was 
uneasy  at  this  apparent  negligence,  and  was 
apprehensive  that  the  men  would  desert,  he 
hastened  to  repair  the  fault  by  going  back  after 
them.  On  the  passage,  a  violent  wind  upset  his 
canoe,  and  drove  it  ashore  ;  but  he  proceeded  by 
land,  found  the  men,  and  brought  them  all  to  the 
fort,  except  two,  who  had  verified  the  suspicions 
of  the  commander  by  running  away. 

Tonty  was  the  bearer  of  the  unwelcome  intelli- 
gence that  the  Griffin  had  not  been  at  Mackinac, 
and  that  nothing  had  been  heard  of  her  since  she 
sailed  from  the  island  of  the  Pottawotimies, 
although  inquiries  had  been  made  of  the  natives 
inhabiting  the  coasts  in  those  parts.  This  intel- 
ligence   weighed   heavily  upon  the  mind  of   the 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  43 

Sieur  de  la  Salle,  who  had  already  begun  to 
have  anxious  forebodings  of  the  fate  of  his 
vessel.  Judging  from  her  first  voyage,  slie  might 
reasonably  be  expected  to  arrive  at  the  Miamis 
River  in  forty-five  days  from  the  time  she  left 
the  island,  and  seventy  days  had  now  elapsed. 
In  the  sequel,  it  turned  out  that  she  was  lost ; 
no  news  of  her  ever  came  to  light ;  and  she 
was  probably  swallowed  up  by  the  waves  of 
Lake  Michigan  while  on  her  passage  from  the 
island  to  Mackinac.  There  was  a  report  that 
she  was  plundered  and  burned  by  the  Indians, 
but  of  the  accuracy  of  this  report  no  credible 
proof  was  ever  produced. 

Having  waited  as  long  as  prudence  would 
admit.  La  Salle  resolved  to  go  forward.  Ice  had 
formed  in  the  river,  but  it  was  dissolved  by  a 
favorable  change  of  the  weather.  On  the  3d  of 
December,  the  whole  party,  consisting  of  thirty- 
three  persons,  took  their  departure  from  the  fort 
in  eight  canoes,  and    ascended  to  the  portage.* 


*  This  is  according  to  the  statement  of  Hennepin,  but  Le 
Clercq  says  that  four  men  were  left  at  the  fort.  No  otlier 
account  mentions  this  fact  and  it  is  not  probable  that  so 
small  a  number  would  have  been  left  there,  exposed  to  the 
attacks  of  roving  savages.  There  seems  no  good  reason  for 
questioning  the  accuracy  of  this  part  of  Hennepin's  narrative. 
Forty-two  years  afterwards,  Charlevoix  travelled  over  the 
same  route,  and  his  description  of  natural  objects,  the 
courses  of  rivers,  and   distances,  agrees  very  closely  with 


44  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

The  distance  was  about  seventy  miles.  Although 
a  canoe  had  before  gone  up  the  river  to  search 
for  the  portage,  yet  its  exact  position  had  not 
been  ascertained.  The  Sieur  de  la  Salle  landed 
to  explore  the  country  alone,  and  was  gone  so 
long  that  his  companions  began  to  be  alarmed  for 
his  safety.  While  he  was  wandering  at  some 
distance  from  the  river,  hoping  to  discover  the 
sources  of  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Illinois,  he 
fell  upon  marshy  grounds  covered  with  thick 
bushes,  which  compelled  him  to  take  a  large 
circuit,  and  darkness  overtook  him  on  his  way. 
He  fired  his  gun,  but  the  signal  was  not  answered. 
By  good  luck,  however,  he  espied  a  light  not  far 
off,  which  he  approached,  and  found  near  the  fire 
a  bed  of  leaves,  upon  which  a  man  had  just  been 
reposing,  probably  an  Indian,  who,  startled  at  the 
sound  of  the  gun,  had  made  a  precipitate  escape. 
Weary  with  the  fatigues  of  the  day,  and  chilled 
by  the  falling  snow,  La  Salle  at  once  came  to 
the  resolution  of  appropriating  these  comfortable 
quarters  to  himself  for  the  night.  Cutting  down 
the  bushes,  and  so  arranging  them  around  his 
little  encampment  that  no  one  could  approach 
without   making   a  noise  that  would  arouse  him 

Hennepin's.  At  the  time  of  Charlevoix's  visit,  tliere  was  a 
French  fort  and  garrison  a  few  miles  below  the  portage. 
The  river  was  then  called  the  St  Joisopli. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  45 

from  his  slumbers  in  time  for  defence,  he  threw 
himself  upon  the  couch  of  leaves,  and  slej)t 
undisturbed  till  morning.  In  the  afternoon  he 
rejoined  his  companions,  who  were  overjoyed  '  t 
his  safe  return.  Two  opossums  were  hanging 
from  his  belt,  which  he  had  killed  with  a  club 
while  suspended  by  their  tails  from  the  branches 
of  trees. 

Two  days  had  passed  away  in  an  unsuccessful 
search  for  the  portage.  At  last  the  faithful 
Indian  hunter,  who  had  been  out  to  look  for  deer, 
came  in  and  told  them  where  it  was,  and  that 
they  had  gone  too  far  up  the  river.  By  his  aid 
the  place  was  found,  and  the  canoes  and  all  their 
contents  were  carried  over  a  distance  of  five  or 
six  miles  to  the  head-waters  of  the  Kankakee.* 
The  precaution  had  been  taken  to  leave  letters 
hanging  from  branches  of  trees  in  conspicuous 
places,  both  at  the  fort  and  the  portage,  contain- 
ing instructions  for  the  captain  of  the  Griffin,  in 
case  he  should  arrive.  For  nearly  a  hundred 
miles  from  its  source,  the  Kankakee  winds 
through  marshes,  which  afibrd  growth  to  little 
else  than  tall  rushes  and  alders.  A  more  deso- 
late scene  in  the  midst  of  winter  could  hardly  be 
imagined.       As    one    comfort    to    our    travellers, 

*  The  present  name  of  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Illinois 
River.  This  word  is  a  corruj)tion  of  the  Indian  name 
2Vieakiki,  which  the  French  called  Kiakiki, 


46  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

however  the  frozen  ground  enabled  them  to  go 
on  shore  at  night,  build  fires,  and  take  their 
repose.  Emerging  from  the  marshes,  they  en- 
tered a  vast  prairie,  where  the  stream  became 
broader,  and  nature  put  on  a  more  cheering 
aspect.  They  now  began  to  be  straitened  for 
provisions,  and  were  disappointed  in  the  supplies 
they  had  expected  from  the  chase.  At  this 
season,  the  buffaloes  had  migrated  to  a  more 
genial  clime,  and  for  several  days  the  hunters 
succeeded  in  killing  only  two  deer,  as  many  wild  * 
turkeys,  and  a  few  swans.  In  this  extremity. 
Father  Hennepin  says,  Providence  came  to  their 
relief.  A  stray  buffalo  was  found  sticking  fast 
in  a  marsh.  Thus  disabled,  he  fell  an  easy 
victim  to  the  prowess  of  the  hunters,  and  this 
fortunate  supply  revived  the  flagging  spirits  and 
failing  strength  of  the  whole  party. 

At  length  the  canoes  floated  on  the  waters 
of  the  Illinois,  after  a  voyage  of  three  hundred 
miles,  by  the  windings  of  the  Kankakee,  from  the 
portage.  This  river  is  considerably  larger  than 
the  one  in  which  it  loses  its  name  at  the  place  of 
their  junction.  Charlevoix  says  he  has  seen  a 
buffalo  wade  across  the  western  branch  at  the 
fork,  whereas  the  Kankakee  is  deep  and  broad, 
and,  as  he  calls  it,  a  beautiful  river. 

The  current  of  the  Illinois  soon  conducted  the 
voyagers  to  a  large  Indian  village,  situate  on  the 


R  O  13  E  K  T     D  E     LA     S  A  L  li  E  .  47 

right  bank  of  the  river,  not  far  below  the  present 
town  of  Ottawa.  Not  a  imman  being  was  seen 
in  the  whole  village,  though  it  contained  between 
four  and  five  hundred  cabins,  many  of  them  well 
built,  and  covered  with  mats  of  rushes.  The 
inhabitants,  according  to  their  custom,  had  sep- 
arated, and  gone  away  to  the  hunting  grounds, 
where  they  were  to  pass  the  winter,  this  being 
the  proper  season  for  the  chase  and  for  taking 
furs.  Great  quantities  of  corn  were  found  care- 
fully buried  in  dry  places,  a  temptation  too  se- 
ductive for  men  who  had  subsisted  for  months 
on  the  flesh  of  Vv'ild  animals  alone.  The  Sieur  de 
la  Salle  kncv*^  the  hazard  he  should  run  by  appro- 
priating to  his  use  a  portion  of  this  corn,  and  the 
vengeance  which  such  an  act  might  bring  upon 
him  from  its  owners ;  but  the  call  of  necessity 
was  m.ore  imperious  than  tliat  of  danger,  and  he 
caused  about  fifty  bushels  of  it  to  be  carried 
to  the  canoes,  trusting  in  his  good  fortune  to 
appease  and  satisfy  the  savages,  v/hen  he  should 
meet  them,  by  presents  and  a  fair  recompense. 

Embarking  again  on  the  river,  they  descended 
four  days  without  any  incidents  worthy  of  note, 
till  the  1st  of  January,  1680,  the  morning  of 
which  day  was  commemorated  by  mutual  salu- 
tations, by  religious  services  from  the  missionaries, 
and  by  such  other  ceremonies  as  were  suited  to 
bid  a  welcome  to  the  opening  of  a  new  year 


48  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

And  here  we  should  remark,  that  La  Salle  had 
all  along  been  told  by  the  savages  he  had  seen  on 
his  way  from  JMackinac,  that  the  Illinois  Indians 
were  unfriendly  to  the  French,  and  that  he  was 
running  a  fearful  risk  to  venture  himself  among 
them.  The  thievish  Outtagamies,  who  crossed 
his  path  near  the  Miamis  River,  had  repeated  the 
same  tale.  Those  rumors  lingered  in  the  busy 
thoughts  of  the  men,  and  the  commander  himself 
was  not  entirely  free  from  apprehension.  At  any 
rate,  as  he  must  soon  expect  to  meet  with  the 
natives,  he  deemed  it  prudent  to  be  on  his  guard, 
and  prepared  for  any  tide  of  events  that  might 
rise. 

On  the  first  day  of  the  year,  after  the  ceremo- 
nies of  the  morning,  they  passed  through  a  lake, 
about  twenty  miles  long  and  three  broad,  then 
called  Pimiteouy,  but  since  known  as  Lake  Peo- 
ria ;  and,  just  as  they  had  entered  the  river  at  the 
lower  end  of  the  lake,  an  Indian  encampment 
suddenly  broke  upon  their  view,  planted  on  both 
sides  of  the  stream.  The  men  were  immediately 
summoned  to  arms ;  the  canoes  were  ranged  in  a 
line,  with  La  Salle  on  the  right  and  Tonty  on  the 
left ;  and  in  this  attitude  the  little  flotilla  boldly 
advanced  to  tlie  shore.  Tlie  Indians  were  amazed 
at  this  apparition ;  some  of  the  more  resolute 
seized  their  arms ;  others  took  to  flight ;  and  in  a 
moment  the  whole  camp  was  a  scene  of  confusion. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  49 

The  Sieur  de  la  Salle  landed  first,  and  he  was 
followed  by  his  men.  It  was  not  his  interest 
nor  his  purpose  to  seek  hostilities,  but  he  well 
knew  that  to  betray  symptoms  of  timidity  was 
not  the  way  to  secure  the  respect  or  conciliate 
the  favor  of  the  savages.  He  stood  on  his 
defence,  allowing  the  Indians  time  to  recover 
from  their  consternation,  and  awaiting  the  issue. 
He  did  not  present  his  calumet,  because  this 
might  be  construed  as  an  evidence  of  w^eakness, 
rather  than  of  a  voluntary  offer  of  peace  on 
equal  terms.  The  Indians  gazed  for  a  while, 
and  seemed  to  expect  a  conflict ;  but,  perceiving 
no  movement  on  the  part  of  their  visiters,  they 
finally  held  up  three  calumets  of  peace,  and 
the  signal  was  immediately  answ^ered  by  the 
French.  From  that  moment  all  suspicions  and 
fears  ceased;  they  invited  the  Frenchmen  to 
their  cabins,  and  received  them  as  friends  ;  the 
women  and  others  who  had  fled  were  called 
back ;  and  the  day  was  passed  with  festivity 
and  joy. 

La  Salle  took  the  first  opportunity  to  explam 
to  them  the  objects,  that  had  brought  him  to 
their  country,  which  he  could  do  with  the  more 
facility  as  he  was  accompanied  by  two  inter- 
preters. He  told  them  that  he  had  come  from 
Canada  to  impart  to  them  a  knowledge  of  the 
true  God,  to  assist  them  against  their  enemies,. 

VOL,    I.  4 


50  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

and  to  supply  them  with  arms  and  with  the 
conveniences  of  hfe.  At  this  interview  he  said 
nothing  about  his  proposed  voyage  to  the  Missis- 
sippi. In  fact,  his  aim  seems  only  to  have  been 
to  quell  their  apprehensions  and  rivet  their 
friendship.  The  idea  of  teaching  them  the 
Christian  religion,  and  at  the  same  time  putting 
firearms  in  their  hands  to  excite  their  passion  for 
war,  is  so  incongruous,  that  this  report  might  be 
doubted,  if  it  were  not  confirmed  by  two  of  the 
missionaries  who  were  present,  and  who  relate 
the  circumstance  without  comment.  He  ex- 
plained to  them  what  he  had  done  in  regard  to 
tlie  corn,  which,  he  said,  was  an  act  of  necessi- 
ty ;  and  he  offered  to  pay  its  full  value  in  such 
commodities  as  they  might  choose  from  his 
stores.  This  proposal  was  readily  accepted,  and 
he  then  distributed  presents  among  them,  with 
which  they  expressed  entire  satisfaction,  and  all 
the  links  in  the  chain  of  friendship  were  under- 
stood by  both  parties  to  be  closed. 

This  good  understanding,  however,  was  soon 
interrupted.  During  the  night  of  the  same  day, 
a  chief  of  the  INIascoutens,  a  tribe  inhabiting 
near  the  Fox  River,  came  secretly  into  the 
camp  of  the  Illinois.  His  name  was  Monso,  and 
he  was  accompanied  by  several  Miamies,  who 
brought  with  them  presents  of  knives,  hatchets, 
kettles,  and  other  valuable  articles.     iMonso  as- 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  51 

semb.cd  the  liead-mcn  of  the  village  in  the 
night,  and  told  them  he  had  come  to  warn 
them  against  the  insidious  designs  of  La  Salle, 
representing  him  to  be  in  a  league  with  the 
Iroquois,  and  as  coming  only  in  advance  of  an 
army  from  that  formidable  nation,  with  which 
he  would  unite  his  forces  in  an  attack  on  the 
riinois ;  and  added  that  this  intelligence  was 
communicated  to  him  by  some  of  La  Salle's 
own  countrymen,  at  whose  suggestion  he  had 
undertaken  this  mission,  out  of  the  love  he  bore 
to  his  friends.  Having  thus  poisoned  the  minds 
of  these  people,  and  distributed  the  presents, 
he  went  off  the  same  night,  to  avoid  being  seen 
by  the  French,  although  he  was,  doubtless,  him- 
self the  dupe  of  his  employers,  believing  tne 
tale  they  instructed  him  to  tell. 

In  the  morning,  when  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle 
went  into  the  camp,  he  vras  surprised  at  seeing 
the  apparent  distrust  and  coldness  of  those,  wdio 
the  day  before  had  treated  him  with  so  much 
frankness  and  cordiality.  He  was  puzzled  to 
conjecture  the  cause.  Applying  to  one  of  the 
chiefs,  from  whom  he  had  received  marked 
tokens  of  friendship,  and  pressing  him  to  ex- 
plain the  reason  of  these  strange  appearances, 
he  finally  drew  from  him  the  whole  story 
of  Monso's  intrigues.  Knowing  nov/  on  what 
ground   he  stood,   it   was   his   next  endeavor   to 


52  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

counteract  these  mischievous  counsels,  by  prov- 
ing the  falsehood  of  the  report,  and  showing  the 
evil  designs  of  its  authors.  He  managed  the 
affair  with  so  much  dexterity,  that  he  succeeded 
in  recovering  their  friendship,  though,  perhaps, 
not  in  eradicating  every  germ  of  suspicion. 

In  the  mean  time,  he  made  inquiries  about  the 
Mississippi,  and  talked  of  his  plan  of  building  a 
boat  to  sail  down  that  river.  That  all  jealousies 
were  not  put  at  rest  is  evident  from  a  circum- 
stance which  occurred  soon  afterv/ards.  Nika- 
nape,  a  man  of  rank  in  the  camp,  and  brother  to 
the  gi-eat  chief  of  the  nation,  who  was  absent  on 
a  hunting  excursion,  invited  the  Frenchmen  to 
an  entertainment,  and,  before  sitting  down  to  the 
repast,  he  made  a  long  speech,  the  drift  of  which 
was,  to  advise  his  guests  against  their  perilous 
scheme  of  going  down  the  Mississippi.  He  said 
that  others  had  perished  in  the  attempt ;  that  the 
banks  were  inhabited  by  a  strong  and  terrible 
race  of  men,  who  killed  every  body  that  came 
amonGf  them ;  that  the  waters  swarmed  with 
crocodiles,  serpents,  and  frightful  monsters  ;  and 
that,  even  if  the  boat  was  large  and  strong 
enough  to  escape  these  dangers,  it  would  be 
dashed  in  pieces  by  the  falls  and  rapids,  or  meet 
with  inevitable  destruction  in  a  hideous  whirl- 
pool at  the  river's  mouth,  where  the  river  itself 
was   swallowed    up   and   lost.      This    liarangue. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  53 

which  the  orator  enforced  by  expressions  of 
anxious  concern  for  the  welfare  of  his  friends, 
produced  an  obvious  effect  on  the  minds  of  La 
Salle's  men,  even  when  repeated  in  the  less 
ornate  and  forcible  language  of  the  interpreter. 
He  perceived  it  in  their  countenances,  and 
therefore  framed  his  answer  in  a  manner  both 
to  allay  their  fears,  and  show  the  savage  that 
he  saw  more  deeply  into  his  motives  than  he 
imagined. 

He  said  the  dangers^  which  had  been  painted 
in  such  glowing  colors,  bore  on  their  face  so 
clear  a  stamp  of  exaggeration  and  improbability, 
that  he  was  convinced  Nikanape  himself  would 
excuse  him  for  regarding  them  with  utter  incre- 
dulity ;  and  even  if  they  were  as  formidable  as 
had  been  represented,  the  courage  of  French- 
men would  only  be  the  more  eager  to  v^ncounter 
them,  as  crowning  their  entevprise  with  the 
gi'cater  glory.  As  to  the  concern,  w^ich  his 
host  had  expressed  for  their  welfare,  he  would 
not  doubt  its  sincerity,  but  he  believed  there 
was  something  at  the  bottom  of  his  heart,  which 
his  sense  of  propriety  on  this  occasion  did  not 
permit  to  escape  through  his  words.  He  felt 
constrained  to  say  that  he  saw  the  seeds  of 
jealousy  lurking  under  the  cover  of  this  fair 
speech,  which  touched  him  the  more  sensibly, 
as   his    own    conduct    had   been   frank,    steady. 


54  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY 

and  confiding.  If  there  were  causes  of  uneasi- 
ness, let  them  not  be  concealed  under  the  garb 
of  suspicion,  but  let  them  be  brought  out  to 
open  day,  where  they  might  be  explained  and 
removed.  He  was  surprised  that  they  should 
listen  to  such  idle  and  malicious  reports  as 
Monso  had  scattered  in  their  ears,  creeping  into 
the  camp  as  he  did  at  midnight,  and  skulking 
away  in  darkness  before  he  could  be  confronted 
by  those  wliom  he  had  accused. 

This  tone  of  firmness  and  reproof  was  taken 
in  good  part  by  Nikanape,  and  he  was  too 
skilful  a  host  to  allow  the  harmony  of  his  feast 
to  be  interrupted  by  dissensions  of  his  own 
making.  These  events,  however,  were  not  such 
as  to  give  peace  or  repose  to  the  mind  of  La 
Salle.  The  imaginations  of  his  men  were  in- 
flamed by  Nikanape's  terrific  account  of  the 
Mississippi.  Six  of  them  deserted,  including  the 
two  sawyers,  whose  services  were  exceedingly 
important,  ])referring  a  long  journey  in  search 
of  some  friendly  tribes  near  the  Michigan,  to 
the  labors  and  dangers  before  them.  Some 
accounts  say  that  these  men  liad  laid  a  plot 
to  poison  their  commander  and  his  principal 
adherents.  The  defection  of  so  large  a  number 
was  not  only  discouraging  in  itself,  but  a  sad 
breach  in  the  company.  La  Salle  told  those 
who    remained,    that,    in    the    spring,  if  any    of 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  55 

them  should  be  afraid  to  venture  upon  the 
Mississippi,  he  would  give  them  a  canoe  to 
return  to  Canada,  but  that  it  v^^as  the  extreme 
of  folly  and  imprudence  to  go  off  in  the  depth 
of  winter,  exposed  to  perish  by  cold  and  hunger, 
or  perhaps  by  the  hands  of  the  savages.  He 
was  aware  that  the  readiest  method  of  soothinsr 
their  discontent  was  to  find  them  employment, 
and  he  laid  a  scheme  for  building  a  fort.  He 
consulted  his  men  on  the  subject,  represented 
their  exposed  situation  among  the  natives,  and 
their  greater  security  in  some  fortified  place. 
They  acquiesced  in  his  views,  and  promised 
cheerfully  to  undertake  the  work. 


CHAPTER   V. 


Fort  Orevecctur  built  near  Lake  Peoria.  —  Inter- 
course ivith  the  Indians.  —  Hennepin  ascends 
the  Mississi2:)j)i.  —  La  SaJIe  returns  by  Land 
to  Fort  Frontenac.  —  Some  of  the  Men  desert. 
—  Iroquois  War.  —  Tonty  and  Father  Zenobe 
endeavor  to  mediate  between  the  Iroquois  and 
Illinois. 

The    place    selected   for   the    fort   was   about 
half  a  league  below  the  Indian   camp,   and  not 


56  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 


O 


far  from  the  present  town  of  Peoria.  The  pos' 
tion  was  strong  by  nature,  situate  on  a  liigh 
bank  rising  from  the  margin  of  the  river,  and 
bounded  on  two  sides  by  ravines  running  nearly 
at  right  angles  to  the  stream.  The  task  of 
preparing  it  for  defence  was  not  a  hard  one, 
since  it  consisted  mainly  in  connecting  the  two 
ravines  by  a  breastwork  of  timbers  and  palisades, 
and  in  digging  away  some  parts  of  the  other 
three  sides,  to  render  the  ascent  more  steep  and 
difficult.  About  the  middle  of  January,  the 
whole  company  removed  to  this  spot,  and  es- 
tablished their  quarters  within  the  lines  of  the 
fort.  In  sympathy  with  his  feelings,  La  Salle 
named  it  Fort  Crevecoeur,  Broken  Heart,  as  a 
memorial  of  the  sadness  he  felt  at  the  loss  of 
his  vessel,  which  he  now  deemed  almost  certain, 
and  at  the  numerous  discouragements  and  dis- 
asters which  had  hitherto  attended  his  enter- 
prise. 

With  his  suspicious  neighbors  at  the  camp 
he  lived  on  good  terms.  They  gave  him  no 
annoyance,  and  visits  were  sometimes  inter- 
changed. Father  Zenobe  took  up  his  residence 
there,  was  adopted  into  the  family  of  a  noted 
chief,  made  some  progress  in  learning  the  lan- 
guage of  the  natives,  and  exercised  among  them, 
as  well  as  he  could,  his  missionary  calling ;  but 
he  confessed  that  their  rude  manners  and   mode 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  57 

of  living  were  as  much  as  liis  philosopliy  and 
Christian  patience  could  bear.  The  good  Father 
Gabriel  remained  at  the  fort,  where  he  erected 
a  chapel ;  and  Hennepin  rambled  as  his  fancies 
moved  him. 

While  one  party  was  busily  employed  upon 
the  fort,  another  was  engaged  in  preparing  tim- 
bers and  planks  for  building  a  bark,  or  brigan- 
tine,  forty-two  feet  long  and  twelve  broad,  with 
which  it  was  intended  to  prosecute  the  dis- 
coveries on  the  Mississippi.  The  two  sawyers 
had  run  away  ;  but,  after  a  little  practice,  two 
other  men  succeeded  very  well  in  supplying  their 
place.  Trees  were  burnt  into  charcoal,  the 
smith  went  to  work  with  his  forge  and  hammers, 
and  all  hands  moved  with  such  alacrity  and 
diligence,  that  in  six  weeks'  time  the  fort  was 
completed,  and  the  vessel's  hull  stood  on  the 
stocks  nearly  ready  for  her  masts  and  rigging. 
Planks  were  provided  for  a  parapet  around  the 
deck,  to  ward  ofT  the  arrows  and  other  missiles, 
with  which  the  natives  might  assail  them  from 
the  banks  of  the  river.  The  men  were  en- 
couraged, also,  by  certain  savages  coming  from 
the  south,  who  confuted  Nikanape's  stories  about 
the  terrible  monsters  in  the  river,  and  who  said 
it  was  easily  navigated,  and  nowhere  obstructed 
either  by  falls  or  rapids. 

It  was  obvious,  however,  that  with  the  present 


58  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY 

means  it  was  impossible  to  finish  the  brigantine 
Cordage,  more  iron,  and  other  materials  for  the 
rigging,  were  wanted.  All  these  articles  had 
been  put  on  board  the  Griffin ;  but  La  Salle 
despaired  of  ever  again  seeing  this  ship,  after 
the  report  brought  to  him  by  Tonty,  and  since 
he  had  not  heard  from  the  two  men  whom  he 
sent  to  Mackinac.  With  these  disheartening 
prospects  staring  him  in  the  face,  he  came  to 
the  hardy  resolution  of  going  back  himself  to 
Fort  Frontenac,  procuring  the  necessary  supplies, 
and  returning  with  them  as  soon  as  possible  to 
Fort  Creveca3ur. 

That  the  intermediate  time  might  not  be  lost 
to  his  gTand  objects,  he  planned  an  expedition 
of  discovery  to  the  sources  of  the  Mississippi. 
Above  the  mouth  of  the  Wisconsin,  where 
Father  Marquette's  voyage  began,  that  river  had 
not  been  explored  by  any  European.  It  is 
probable  that  the  dreams  of  China  and  Japan, 
which  he  had  cherished  so  fondly,  still  lingered 
in  his  imagination,  and  that  he  hoped  to  solve 
a  problem  of  so  much  interest  to  tlie  commercial 
world.  This  fatiguing  and  hazardous  enterprise 
was  intrusted  to  Father  Hennepin,  whose  rest- 
less spirit,  courage,  and  experience  of  Indian 
life  and  manners,  well  fitted  him,  in  many  re- 
spects, for  so  bold  an  adventure.  On  the  29th 
of  February,  1680,  he  departed  from  Fort  Creve- 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  59 

ca'ur  in  a  canoe,  accompanied  l)y  two  French- 
men, named  Picard  du  Gay  and  Michel  Ako, 
and  pursued  his  course  down  the  Ilhnois  River. 
He  was  liberally  supplied,  as  he  says,  with  goods 
to  exchange  with  the  savages  for  provisions,  and 
to  conciliate  them  by  presents,  and  with  such 
other  conveniences  for  his  voyage  as  could  be 
spared.* 

La  Salle  was  prepared  for  his  departure,  and 
two  days  afterwards  began  his  journey,  with 
three  Frenchmen  and  his  Indian  Jiunter.  The 
Chevalier  de  Tonty  was  left  in  command  of  the 
fort,  having  now  under  him  about  sixteen  men, 
besides  the  two  missionaries.  We  may  easily 
imagine  the  nature  of  La  Salle's  undertaking, 
when  we  reflect  that  he  was  to  travel  over  land, 
and  on  foot,  through  vast  forests  to  Fort  Fron- 
tenac,    a    distance    of    at    least    twelve    hundred 

*  Charlevoix  speaks  of  M.  Dacan  as  being  at  the  head 
of  tliis  expedition.  No  such  personage  is  mentioned  by 
Hennepin,  nor  does  tlie  name  appear  on  any  otlier  occasion. 
Charlevoix  may  have  folloAved  the  pretended  narrative  of 
Tonty,  Mhich  is  too  much  garbled  and  disligurod  by  other 
hands  to  merit  confidence  in  a  fact  of  tliis  nature,  unless 
supported  by  better  testimony.  And  tlie  author  of  the 
Mcmoire  sur  la  LGuisiane,  ascribed  to  the  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes,  may  have  follo-wed  tlicm  both,  for  he  likewise 
speaks  of  M.  Dacan ;  I  say  ascribed  to  tlie  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes,  for  I  am  persuaded  the  Memoir  "was  not  written 
bv  him.     See  Appendix,  No.  11. 


60  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

miles  by  the  route  he  was  to  take  along  the 
southern  shores  of  Lake  Erie  and  Lake  Ontario, 
and  that  innumerable  rivers  were  to  be  forded, 
and  others  crossed  on  rafts  ;  and  all  this  at  a 
season  of  the  year  when  the  melting  snows  and 
floating  ice  rendered  the  travelling  to  the  last 
degree  fatiguing,  and  the  rivers  dangerous  ;  de- 
pending wholly  on  the  chase  to  supply  provisions 
for  five  men,  and  on  their  courage  and  address 
to  protect  themselves  from  the  wandering  sav- 
ages. Nothing  seemed  formidable,  however, 
to  his  strong  heart  and  unbending  resolution. 
Shouldering  his  knapsack  and  musket,  he  bade 
adieu  to  his  companions,  and  set  his  face  to- 
wards Canada. 

Following  an  Indian  path  near  the  bank  of 
the  river,  he  arrived  on  the  11th  of  March  at 
the  srreat  villasre  where  he  had  found  the  corn. 
Some  of  the  natives  had  already  returned  from 
their  camp  and  hunting  grounds  to  their  summer 
residence  in  this  place,  and  among  them  the 
pious  and  persevering  Father  Zenobe,  who  hoped 
to  tame  their  wild  spirits  and  win  them  to  a 
better  life  by  his  well-timed  instruction  and  the 
persuasive  eloquence  of  his  example.  Not  far 
from  this  village  La  Salle  discovered  a  spot, 
with  which  he  was  charmed,  as  aiTording  an 
admirable  position  for  a  fort.  It  was  a  high, 
rocky   eminence,  rising  abruptly  from  the   river, 


ROBERT    DE     LA     SALLE.  61 

and  so  steep  as  to  be  ascended  with  great  diffi- 
culty, except  on  one  side,  and  level  at  the  top. 
He  sent  a  message  to  Tonty,  requesting  him  to 
come  up  with  some  of  his  men,  and  erect  a 
fortification  on  this  rock  during  his  absence. 
The  work  was  afterwards  executed,  and  occupied 
as  a  strong  hold  by  the  French  for  several 
years.     It  was  called  Fort  St.  Louis. 

La  Salle  stayed  but  twenty-four  hours  at  the 
village,  and  the  next  day,  at  some  distance  up 
the  river,  he  met  the  two  men  who  had  gone 
by  his  orders  from  the  Miamis  River  to  Macki- 
nac. They  could  give  no  account  of  the  Griffin. 
He  told  them  to  join  their  comrades  at  Fort 
Crevecoeur,  and  then  hastened  forward  on  his 
journey. 

As  soon  as  the  Chevalier  de  Tonty  received 
the  orders  of  his  commander,  he  repaired  imme- 
diately, with  some  of  his  men,  to  the  place  de- 
signed for  the  new  fort,  and  began  to  mark  out 
the  lines  and  prepare  for  the  work.  In  a  short 
time,  however,  news  came  that  the  men  at  Fort 
Crevecoeur  were  m  a  state  of  insubordination, 
and  that  his  presence  was  required  there  as  soon 
as  possible.  When  he  arrived,  it  was  ascer- 
tained that  the  two  men  lately  returned  from 
Mackinac,  who  had  doubtless  been  tampered 
with  by  La  Salle's  enemies  during  their  absence, 
had    stirred   up    some   of    the   others   to    revolt 


62  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

More  than  half  of  the  whole  party  had  deserted, 
^carrying  with  them  such  arms,  goods,  and  pro- 
visions, as  they  could  take  a\vay.  Two  of  them, 
while  ascending  the  river  in  a  canoe  with  Father 
Gabriel  to  join  the  Chevalier  de  Tonty,  contrived 
to  injure  the  muskets  of  the  Sieur  do  Boisrondet 
and  another  person,  not  in  the  conspiracy,  so 
that  they  would  not  take  fire,  and  then  made 
their  escape.  The  deserters  appointed  their 
place  of  rendezvous  at  Fort  !Miamis,  where  they 
demolished  the  fort,  and  plundered  whatsoever 
they  could  find,  and  then  went  to  Mackinac,  and 
seized  the  furs  and  peltries,  which  had  been  left 
in  deposit  by  La  Salle  as  a  part  of  the  Griffin's 
cargo. 

Tonty,  being  destitute  of  succors  and  of  the 
means  of  providing  them  even  for  the  small 
remnant  of  his  party  now  remaining,  retired  to 
the  great  village  of  the  Illinois,  and  took  up  his 
quarters  among  the  natives,  intending  to  wait 
there  for  the  return  of  La  Salle  with  a  reinforce- 
ment and  supplies.  He  liad  the  good  fortune 
to  gain  the  favor  and  confidence  of  the  Lidians, 
and  spent  the  summer  in  attempting  to  teach 
them  the  use  of  firearms  and  military  manoeu- 
vres, which  at  least  served  to  amuse  and  keep 
them  in  good  humor.  When  an  alarm  was 
raised  by  a  rumor  that  a  combined  attack  was 
about  to  be  made  by  the  Miamies  and  Iroquois, 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  63 

he  prevailed  on  them  to  build  a  little  fort,  and 
surround  it  with  intrenchments ;  for  it  seems, 
that,  although  numerous,  they  were  not  a  war- 
like people,  it  being  their  custom,  whenever  an 
enemy  approaclied  with  a  large  force,  to  desert 
their  habitations,  wander  to  the  westward,  and 
join  their  allies,  sometimes  across  the  Missis- 
sippi. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  missionaries  applied 
themselves  with  zeal  to  the  labors  of  their 
calling.  Father  Gabriel  was  adopted  into  the 
family  of  a  chief,  where  he  was  treated  in  all 
respects  as  one  of  their  own  number.  Zenobe 
made  such  progress  in  acquiring  the  language, 
as  enabled  him  to  converse  in  it  with  tolerable 
ease.  He  visited  other  Illinois  villages,  and 
even  the  Miamies,  among  whom  Marquette  had 
resided  for  some  time  five  or  six  years  before. 
But  in  his  narrative  Father  Zenobe  speaks  de- 
spondingly  of  the  prospect  of  communicating  to 
these  savages  the  doctrines  and  precepts  of  Chris- 
tianity, or  of  producing  any  change  in  their 
manners.  He  represents  them  as  addicted  to 
gross  vices,  passionate,  thievish,  indolent,  super- 
stitious, and  as  yielding  but  a  very  slight  obedi- 
ence to  their  chiefs.  Some  of  them  were  docile, 
and  listened  attentively  to  the  instructions  of  the 
missionaries ;  but  the  good  Fathers  could  not 
satisfy  themselves  that  they  had  made  the  least 


64  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

impression.  One  of  the  principal  converts,  a 
man  of  note  among  them,  being  attacked  by 
some  disease,  put  himself  under  the  discipline  of 
the  conjurers,  in  whose  hands  he  died,  thus 
showing  the  little  confidence  he  possessed  in 
his  new  faith. 

At  all  events,  neither  Tonty  nor  any  of  his 
party  had  reason  to  complain  of  a  want  of  hos- 
pitality or  kind  treatment  in  these  untutored 
lUinois,  during  their  residence  of  six  months  in 
the  great  village.  At  length,  in  the  early  part 
of  September,  an  Indian  belonging  to  a  friendly 
tribe  came  to  the  village,  and  reported  that  he 
had  discovered  an  army  of  Iroquois  and  Miamies, 
to  the  number  of  four  or  five  hundred  men,  who 
had  already  advanced  into  the  territory  of  the 
Illinois.  This  intelligence,  so  unexpected,  pro- 
duced the  greatest  consternation.  A  few  per- 
sons were  deputed  to  reconnoitre,  who  soon 
came  back  and  confirmed  the  report,  adding 
that  La  Salle  himself  was  in  the  enemy's  camp, 
whom  they  recognized  by  his  hat  and  European 
dress.  A  loud  clamor  was  immediately  raised 
against  the  French,  who  were  accused  of  being 
deceivers  and  traitors,  and  the  rabble  cried  out 
tliat  those  in  the  village  ought  to  be  put  to 
death  without  a  moment's  delay. 

It  required  all  the  presence  of  mind  and  firm- 
ness, which  the  Chevalier  de  Tonty  could  com- 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE  65 

jnand,  to  appease  this  tempest  of  rage,  and  avert 
the  blow.  He  used  such  arguments  as  he  could 
in  his  defence,  and,  to  prove  his  sincerity, 
offered  to  ■  join  the  Illinois  with  his  companions 
in  an  attack  on  the  enemy.  It  turned  out  that 
the  man  taken  for  La  Salle  was  an  Iroquois 
chief,  w^ho  had  adorned  his  person  with  a  hat 
and  Canadian  jacket. 

It   was    unfortunate    that  at  this  time  a  lariie 
number    of    the     young    Illinois    warriors    vras 
absent,  but,  as   no   time   was    to   be    lost,  those 
in  the    village,  accompanied  by  the  Frenchmen, 
marched   out    to   meet   the    enemy.     They    put 
on   an  air   of  courage    at   first,  and    skirmished 
with   an  advanced   party;    but  Tonty  soon    dis- 
covered   that   his   allies    would    not   be   able    to 
stand  their  ground  against  so  large  a  force.     As 
a  last  hope,  therefore,  he  proposed  to  go  to  the 
Iroquois  as  a   mediator,  and    endeavor    to  bring 
about  a  reconciliation  and  peace,  to  which  they 
assented,  and  gave  him  the  powers  of  a  negotia- 
tor.      Attended   by  Father    Zenobe,  and    laying 
aside  his  arms,  he  approached  the  camp  of  the 
Iroquois  with  a  calumet  in  his  hand,  and  called 
out  for  a  parley.     The  Iroquois  themselves  had 
begun  to  waver  a  little,  as  to  the  probable  issue 
of  a  battle,  for  they  had  expected  to  come   upon 
the  Illinois  by  surprise    in  their  village,  whereas 
these   had   been  enabled   to   rally  their  warriors 

VOL.    I.  5 


66  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

and  prepare  for  defence.  Nor  could  the  Iro- 
quois judge  of  tlie  numbers  of  the  opposing 
army. 

In  this  state  of  uncertainty,  some  of  the  lead- 
ers were  willing  to  hear  what  could  be  said  in 
favor  of  peace.  Tonty  and  Zenobe  were  admit- 
ted into  the  camp  ;  but  the  young  men,  not  ap- 
proving any  terms  of  peace,  surrounded  the  me- 
diators, and,  with  violent  gestures  and  language, 
seemed  on  the  point  of  putting  them  to  instant 
death.  A  young  warrior  thrust  a  knife  at  Ton- 
ty, which  would  have  pierced  him  to  the  heart,  if 
it  had  not  been  turned  aside  by  one  of  his  ribs. 
The  wound  bled  profusely.  At  this  moment,  a 
chief  rushed  forward,  who,  perceiving  that  his  ears 
were  not  bored,  cried  out  that  he  was  a  French- 
man, and  must  not  be  killed,  and  endeavored  to 
stop  the  blood  by  applying  a  belt  of  wampum 
as  a  banda2:e  to  the  wound. 

At  the  same  time,  another  warrior  seized 
Tonty's  hat,  and,  placing  it  upon  the  end  of 
his  musket,  ran  towards  the  Illinois,  who  inferred 
from  this  signal  that  their  messengers  of  peace 
had  been  murdered,  and,  enraged  at  such  per- 
fidy, they  were  about  to  renew  the  conflict  with 
all  their  might,  and  wreak  their  vengeance  on 
so  faithless  a  foe.  They  were  undeceived, 
however,  in  time  to  prevent  this  rash  step. 
The    Iroquois   accepted    the    calumet,    proi/iised 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  67 

peace,  and  made  a  show  of  retiring ;  but,  having 
discovered  that  the  Ilhnois  were  not  so  strong 
as  they  had  supposed,  they  soon  appeared  again 
near  the  village. 

Father  Zeriobe  now  consented  to  go  alone 
among  them,  and  inquire  the  reason  of  their 
return.  They  received  him  with  civility  and 
kindness,  and  told  him  that  they  did  not  intend 
to  violate  the  treaty  or  do  any  harm,  but  they 
,vere  hungry,  and  must  have  food.  The  Illi- 
nois, taking  this  in  good  part,  supplied  them 
with  such  provisions  as  they  wanted,  and  pro- 
posed to  open  a  trade  with  them  for  furs  and 
skins.  For  two  or  three  days,  there  was  a  sort 
of  intercourse  between  the  two  parties  on  the 
footing  of  friendship,  and  Father  Zenobe  and 
one  of  his  Illinois  friends  slept  very  quietly  one 
night  in  the  Iroquois  camp.  It  was  soon  appa- 
rent, nevertheless,  that  all  these  pretensions 
were  hollow  and  treacherous.  The  Iroquois 
prowled  about  the  village,  committed  depreda- 
tions, and  took  such  liberties  as  proved  that  they 
were  only  seeking  a  quarrel  under  the  garb  of 
peace. 

The  Illinois  themselves  had  not  been  free 
from  suspicion,  and  they  prepared  for  the  worst. 
The  old  men,  women,  and  children,  had  retired 
to  the  interior  of  the  country,  and  the  inhabitants 
of  the  other  villages  were  advised  to  retreat,  and 


(38  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

leave  nothing  .behind  for  the  enemy  to  plunder. 
The  warriors  began  to  disperse  one  after  another, 
and  Tonty  was  left  with  Fathers  Gabriel  and 
Zenobe,  Boisrondet,  and  two  other  Frenchmen, 
without  hope  of  support  or  aid  frcwn  any  quar- 
ter. Considering  tlie  part  he  had  acted,  he  must 
necessarily  be  looked  upon  as  an  enemy  by  the 
Iroquois,  and  in  this  delicate  situation  he  had 
but  one  course  to  pursue.  He  ^  and  his  five 
companions  betook  themselves  to  an  old  and 
leaky  canoe,  and,  on  the  18th  of  September, 
departed  from  the  great  village  of  the  Illinois, 
without  provisions  or  supplies  of  any  kind,  and 
made  the  best  speed  they  could  up    the    river. 


JHAPTER   VI. 


Tonty  escapes  with  his  Party  to  Green  Bay.  — 
Father  Gabriel  murdered  by  the  Savages.  — 
La  Salle  arrives  at  Fort  Frontenac.  —  State 
of  his  Affairs.  —  Prepares  for  another  Expedi- 
tion,—  Returns  to  the  Illinois  Country,  and 
spends  the  Winter  there. — Meets  Tonty  and 
his  Party  at  Machinac. 

The  next  day,  when  they  were  about  twenty- 
four  miles  from  the  village,  tlie  canoe  ran  upon 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  69 

a  rock,  and  it  was  dragged  ashore  for  repairs. 
While  this  was  doing,  the  pleasant  scenery  and 
open  woodlands  tempted  Father  Gabriel  de  la 
Ribourde  to  walk  on  the  bank  of  the  river. 
He  stayed  away  so  long,  that  his  companions 
became  uneasy,  and  as  soon  as  the  canoe  was 
finished,  they  all  went  to  search  for  him,  calhng, 
firing  their  guns,  and  looking  in  every  direction 
till  dark.  They  had  seen  paths  recently  trod- 
den by  human  footsteps,  and  it  was  deemed 
prudent  for  safety  to  cross  the  river,  and  pass 
the  night  on  the  other  side,  since  there  were 
reasons  for  apprehending  that  the  Iroquois 
might  pursue  them,  with  a  design  to  waylay 
and  cut  them  off. 

At  the  dawn  of  day  the  next  morning,  they 
crossed  the  river  again  to  the  same  place,  and 
renewed  their  search,  which  was  continued  till 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  when,  nothing 
havins:  been  seen  or  heard  of  the  venerable 
missionary,  they  entered  the -canoe  with  heavy 
hearts,  and  moved  slowly  along  near  the  shore, 
looking  anxiously  at  every  opening  in  the  wood 
and  jutting  point  of  land,  with  the  hope  that 
he  might  have  strolled  up  the  river  farther  than 
lie  was  aware  at  the  time,  and  had  waited  their 
arrival.  They  never  saw  him  more.  Delay 
would  have  subjected  the  whole  party  to  the 
greatest  danger,  as  it  was  evident  that  Indians 


70  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

had  recently  been  at  the  place,  and  it  could  not 
be  doubted  that  they  would  all  be  killed  if  they 
were  overtaken  by  the  Iroquois. 

As  events  proved,  it  would  have  been  useless 
to  remain  longer.  The  tragical  end  of  Father 
Gabriel  was  not  known  till  some  time  afterwardS; 
when  the  particulars  were  related  by  the  Indians. 
It  happened  that,  just  before  this  time,  the  Kicka- 
poos,  a  tribe  inhabiting  the  central  parts  of  the 
Wisconsin  territory,  had  sent  out  a  party  of 
warriors  to  fight  the  Iroquois,  of  whose  advance 
westward  they  had  heard.  This  party  was 
encamped  not  far  from  the  place  where  Tonty 
landed,  and  on  that  day  three  young  warriors 
from  the  camp  were  scouting  near  the  river. 
They  accidentally  met  Father  Gabriel  in  his 
walk,  and  killed  him,  in  cold  blood,  with  a  war- 
club,  although  they  knew  he  was  not  an  Iro- 
quois. It  was  an  act  of  savage  barbarity  and 
deliberate  murder.  They  took  off  his  scalp,  and 
carried  it  away  a»  a  trophy,  seizing  likewise  his 
Breviary  and  Prayer  Book,  which  afterwards  fell 
into  the  hands  of  a  Jesuit  missionary. 

Thus  perished  a  man  whose  character  is  ex- 
tolled by  all  the  writers  that  mention  his  death. 
In  Europe,  he  had  held  responsible  offices  in  the 
church,  and  he  was  for  some  time  at  the  head 
of  the  Recollect  mission  in  Canada ;  eminent 
for    his    virtues,  piety,  and    those   rare    qualities 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  71 

which  bear  up  the  spirit  with  equanimity  and 
cheerfuhiess  under  the  heaviest  trials.  Charle- 
voix says  he  died  at  the  advanced  age  of 
seventy-one.  He  had  been  ten  years  in  Ame|p- 
ca^  ardently  devoted  to  the  cause  to  which  he 
had  consecrated  his  life,  spending  his  days  and 
nights  in  the  cabins  of  savages,  domesticating 
himself  in  their  families,  submitting  without  a 
murmur  to  the  hardships  he  endured,  and  w^ait- 
ing  patiently  for  the  blessing  of  Heaven  to 
convert  the  fruit  of  his  toils  to  the  spiritual 
well-being  of  these  benighted  children  of  nature. 
Indeed,  there  are  few  examples  in  the  history 
of  mankind  more  w^orthy  of  admiration  and 
profound  respect,  than  those  of  the  Catholic 
missionaries  in  Canada.  With  a  singleness  of 
heart,  a  self-sacrifice,  and  constancy  of  purpose, 
to  which  a  parallel  can  scarcely  be  found,  cast- 
ing behind  them  the  comforts  of  civilized  life, 
deprived  of  the  solaces  of  society  and  the  sym- 
pathy of  friends,  and  surrounded  by  dangers 
and  discouragements  on  every  side,  they  ex- 
hausted their  energies  in  a  work  for  W'hich  they 
could  not  hope  for  any  other  reward  than  the 
consciousness  of  having  done  a  great  duty,  ap- 
proved in  the  sight  of  God,  as  designed  to 
enlighten  the  moral  and  mental  darkness  of  a 
degraded  race  of  human  beings.  Some  of  them 
were  murdered,  some  were  cruelly  tortured,  but 


72  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

these  appalling  barbarities  did  not  shake  the 
constancy  of  others,  nor  deter  them  from  closing 
up  the  ranks  thus  fearfully  broken.  We  need 
nqt  look  to  the  end,  nor  inquire  for  the  results  : 
motives  are  the  test  of  merit ;  and  humanity  can 
claim  no  higher  honor,  than  that  such  examples 
have  existed.* 

Having  despaired  of  meeting  their  venerable 
friend,  the  voyagers  pursued  their  course  up  the 
river  with  dejected  spirits,  and  much  distressed 
by  the  want  of  food.  The  water  broke  into 
their  shattered  canoe  so  fast,  that  they  were 
obliged  to  leave  it  behind,  and  perform  the 
journey  by  land,  a  distance  of  more  than  two 
hundred  miles,  to  the  nearest  village  of  the 
Pottawatimies,  subsisting  on  ground  nuts,  wild 
garlic,  and  such  roots  as  chance  threw  in  their 

*  A  spirited  sketch  of  tlie  labors  and  sufferings  of  tlie 
early  missionaries  in  Canada  may  be  seen  in  the  tliird 
volume  of  Bancroft's  Historij  of  the  United  States. 

Hennepin,  in  tlie  closing  chapters  of  his  J^'ouvelle  Di- 
couverte,  has  narrated  the  mcidents  of  Fatlier  Gabriel's 
death,  and  the  preceding  events  of  the  Iroquois  war.  His 
facts  are  drawn  from  the  letters  of  Father  Zenobe,  or 
from  the  abstract  publislied  by  Le  Clercq,  with  such  em- 
bellisliments  as  are  always  ready  at  the  call  of  his  prolific 
imagination.  He  censures  Tonty,  apparently  without  jus- 
tice, for  having  deserted  Father  Gabriel ;  but  Zenobe,  who 
v/as  present,  passes  no  such  censure,  though  he  endeavored 
to  prevail  on  Tonty  to  remain  some  time  longer. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  73 

way.  The  snow  began  to  fall,  and  the  ice  to 
form.  Their  lacerated  feet  were  ])oorly  pro- 
tected by  moccasons  made  of  Father  Gabriel's 
mantle  of  skins.  Without  a  compass  or  path 
to  guide  them  through  the  woods,  they  wan- 
dered up  and  down  at  random,  and  advanced 
slowly  towards  their  journey's  end  ;  nor  v.as  it 
till  after  fifteen  days'  march  that  their  huns-er 
was  appeased  by  the  flesh  of  a  deer,  w^hich  they 
had  the  good  fortune  to  kill. 

The  Sieur  de  Boisrondet  lost  himself  in  the 
forests,  and  for  ten  days  his  companions  sup- 
posed him  to  be  dead.  He  had  a  musket,  but 
neither  balls  nor  flint.  Necessity  spurred  his  in- 
vention, and  he  contrived  to  melt  a  pewter  dish 
into  balls,  and  to  fire  his  gun  by  the  touch  of  a 
live  coal.  In  this  way  he  shot  wild  turkeys, 
upon  which  he  subsisted. 

They  finally  all  reached  the  village  of  the 
Pottawatimies,  borne  down  with  fatigue  and 
exhaustion.  They  were  kindly  received,  and 
entertained  with  a  generous  hospitality.  These 
Indians  had  traded  with  the  French,  and  re- 
garded them  as  friends.  The  principal  chief 
addressed  them  in  a  flattering  speech.  He  w^as 
accustomed  to  say  that  he  knew  of  but  three 
great  captains  in  the  world,  Frontenac,  La  Sfclle, 
and  himself.  Tonty  had  dragged  his  emaciated 
frame   with    difiicidty  to    the   village,    where   he 


74  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

was  taken  dangerously  ill,  and  was  obliged  to 
remain  till  his  recovery.  Father  Zenobe  wen* 
forward  to  the  missionary  station  at  Green  Bay, 
At  this  place  they  all  assembled  in  the  spring, 
and  proceeded  to  Mackinac,  where  they  intended 
to  wait  till  they  should  hear  from  their  com- 
mander. 

Let  us  now  return  to  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle 
No  record  has  been  preserved  of  the  incidents 
of  his  long  and  perilous  journey  through  the 
wilderness  from  the  Illinois  to  the  St.  Lawrence. 
He  arrived  safely  at  Fort  Frontenac,  where  he 
found  his  affairs  in  a  state  of  deplorable  con- 
fusion. The  Griffin,  with  her  cargo,  valued  at 
twelve  thousand  dollars,  had  been  lost ;  his 
agents  had  despoiled  him  of  the  profits  of  the 
trade,  in  which  he  had  several  boats  and  canoes 
embarked  in  Lake  Ontario ;  a  vessel  charged 
with  merchandise  for  him  to  a  large  amount 
had  been  cast  away  in  the  Bay  of  St.  Lawrence ; 
his  canoes,  heavily  laden,  had  been  dashed  in 
pieces  while  ascending  the  rapids  above  INIon- 
treal ;  some  of  his  men,  seduced  by  the  wicked 
machinations  of  his  enemies,  had  stolen  his 
goods,  and  run  away  with  them  to  the  Dutch 
in  New  York ;  and,  to  crown  all,  his  creditors, 
tak^g  advantage  of  a  rumor,  maliciously  circu- 
lated, that  he  and  his  whole  party  were  drowned 
on  their  voyago  up  the  lakes,   had  seized  upon 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  75 

his  remaining  cflcctSj  and  wasted  them  by  forced 
sales.  In  short,  being  deserted  by  fortune,  all 
Canada  seemed  to  conspire  against  his  enter- 
prise. 

A  less  resolute  heart  would  have  shrunk  back 
from  such  obstacles,  and  abandoned  an  object 
apparently  so  hopeless  and  unattainable  ;  but 
despair  was  never  known  to  settle  upon  the 
mind  of  La  Salle.  He  had  one  friend  left,  the 
Count  de  Frontenac,  whose  influence  and  au- 
thority were  exerted  in  his  favor.  The  plan  of 
navigating  the  Mississippi  in  a  boat  with  rigging 
and  sails  was  given  up,  and  he  resolved  to 
prosecute  his  discoveries  with  canoes. 

Having  engaged  more  men,  and  among  them 
La  Forest  as  an  officer,  and  such  an  arrange- 
ment of  his  affairs  being  made  as  circumstances 
would  permit,  he  departed  from  Fort  Frontenac 
on  the  23d  of  July,  1680.  Head  winds  detained 
him  more  than  a  month  in  Lake  Ontario,  and 
he  did  not  reach  Mackinac  till  the  middle  of 
September.  Three  weeks  were  here  consumed 
in  a  vain  attempt  to  traffic  for  Lulian  corn, 
which  neither  money  nor  goods  would  purchase. 
It  was  known  that  he  had  brandy ;  and  when 
this  was  offered,  the  trade  became  so  brisk,  that 
sixty  sacks  of  corn  were  brought  to  him  in  a 
single  day.  With  this  supply  he  embarked  for 
Lake  Michigan,  and  near  the   end  of  N':vember 


76  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

the   canoes  were  moored    in  the  moutli  of   the 
Miamis  River. 

We  have  ah*eady  seen  that  the  fort  erected 
at  this  place  the  year  Uefore  had  been  plundered 
and  thrown  down  by  the  deserters  from  Fort 
Crevecoeur.  A  few  men  were  left  here,  but 
La  Salle  pursued  his  journey  without  delay  to 
the  Illinois,  where  he  was  surprised  to  find  the 
great  village  burnt  and  desolate  ;  for  he  had 
heard  nothing  of  the  Iroquois  war,  or  of  the 
disasters  that  had  befallen  Tonty  and  his  party. 
The  hill  upon  which  he  had  ordered  a  fort  to 
be  built  stood  bare  and  lonely,  without  any 
vestiges  of  human  labor  at  its  top ;  a  proof 
that  the  Frenchmen  had  either  been  killed  or 
dispersed.  This  aspect  of  things  seems  to  have 
discouraged  him  from  going  down  the  river, 
till,  he  could  gain  further  intelligence.  He 
returned  to  the  Miamis  River,  and  spent  the 
winter  in  visiting  the  Indian  tribes  near  Lake 
Michigan. 

At  a  village  of  the  Outtagamies  he  met  with 
some  of  the  vagrant  Illinois,  who  told  him  the 
story  of  the  war,  and  of  the  calamities  their 
nation  had  suffered ;  but  they  could  give  no 
account  of  tiie  Frenchmen.  He  was  informed 
that  n(;arly  all  the  inhabitants  of  seventeen  Illi- 
nois villages  had  crossed  the  Mississippi,  and 
sought   safety  among    the    Osages.     In    the  late 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  77 

incursion,  the  Miamics  had  sided  with  the  Iro- 
quois, and  it  was  the  effort  of  La  Salle  to  break 
the  bond  of  this  connection,  and  to  unite  in  an 
alliance  all  the  neighboring  tribes  in  that  region 
against  so  formidable  an  enemy,  who  had  no 
good  will  for  any  of  them,  whose  policy  was  to 
divide  and  conquer,  and  who,  by  sowing  dissen- 
sions among  them,  designed  only  to  subdue 
them  all  in  detail,  and  then  to  plunder  and 
destroy  their  towns.  He  sent  a  message  like- 
wise to  the  Illinois,  advising  them  to  commit 
no  hostilities  against  the  Miamies,  but  to  join  in 
this  league  of  peace  and  self-defence.  All  par- 
ties listened  with  apparent  acquiescence  to  his 
counsels  ;  and,  whatever  may  have  been  the  re- 
sult, it  was  evidently  the  most  politic  scheme  he 
could  adopt,  for  his  future  operations  would  be 
obstructed,  perhaps  defeated,  by  hostilities  be- 
tween the  tribes  through  which  he  must  pass. 

It  being  impossible  to  execute  his  plan  with 
the  small  force  now  under  his  command,  it  was 
necessary  again  to  seek  new  recruits  and  re- 
sources in  Canada.  Towards  the  end  of  May, 
1681,  he  left  the  Miamis  River,  and,  after  a 
prosperous  voyage,  entered  the  harbor  of  Macki- 
nac about  the  middle  of  June.  We  need  not 
describe  the  joy  that  was  mutually  felt,  when 
Tonty  and  his  companions  here  met  their  com- 
mander.     They    recounted   to   each    oth  er    the 


78  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Strange  events,  disasters,  and  dangers,  that  had 
thronged  around  them  since  their  separation ; 
and  La  Salle,  in  particular,  set  before  them,  in 
melancholy  array,  the  dark  catalogue  of  misfor- 
tunes and  disappointments,  which  had  assailed 
him  at  every  step  ;  yet,  says  Father  Zcnobe,  with 
all  the  calmness  and  indifference  of  a  man  who 
relates  only  ordinary  occurrences,  and  \^'ith  the 
same  tone  of  firmness  and  self-reliance,  of  hope 
and  confidence  in  the  future,  that  he  had  ex- 
pressed at  the  beginning  of  his  enterprise.  The 
experience,  which  he  had  so  dearly  bought, 
seemed  only  to  impart  a  new  impulse  to  his 
resolution   and  ardor. 

As  there  was  no  occasion  for  delay  at  this 
place,  they  all  embarked  in  a  few  days  for  Fort 
Frontenac 


CHAPTER   VII. 

Iltnnephts  Voyage  up  the  JMississipjn.  —  His  pre- 
tended  Discovery  of  the  Mouth  of  that  River. 
—  Grounds  for  disbelieving  his  Account,  — 
Sources    whence    he    dreiv   his  Materials. 

We  will  now  interrupt  the  thread  of  our  nar- 
rative to  say  a  word  of  Father  Hennepin,  whom 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  79 

we  -eii  with  his  two  Frenchmen,  Picard  du  Gay 
and  Michel  Ako,  in  a  canoe  at  Fort  Crevecoeur, 
departing  on  a  voyage  of  discovery.  His  in- 
structions from  tlie  Sieur  de  la  Salle  were,  that 
he  should  ascend  the  Mississippi,  and  explore 
the  sources  of  that  river. 

On  the  seventh  day,  he  found  himself  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Illinois,  and,  after  waiting  a  short 
time  for  the  Mississippi  to  become  clear  of 
floating  ice,  he  turned  his  course  northward. 
No  incident  worthy  of  remark  is  related  till  the 
11th  of  April,  when  he  was  somewhere  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  Wisconsin,  probably  above  the 
mouth  of  that  river.  Here  he  was  surprised  by 
the  sudden  appearance  of  a  large  body  of  na- 
tives, in  thirty-three  canoes,  who  came  fiercely 
down  upon  him,  and  took  him  and  his  two 
men  prisoners.  They  were  treated  rudely  at 
first,  and  some  of  their  goods  were  seized ;  but 
the  calumet  was  smoked  the  next  day,  and 
from  that  time  they  appear  to  have  met  with 
as  good  usage  as  the  savages  were  accustomed 
to  bestow  upon  uninvited  guests.  They  all  re- 
turned up  the  river,  and  in  nineteen  days  the 
grand  cataract  opened  upon  their  sight,  now 
seen  for  the  first  time  by  European  eyes,  and 
named  by  Hennepin,  in  honor  of  his  patron 
saint,  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony.  Proceeding 
thence  by  land  about  one    hundred  and    eighty 


80  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

miles  up  the  River  St.  Francis,  wliich  was  like 
wise    named    by    him   in    honor   of    the    patroL 
saint  of  his  order,  they  came  to  the  villages  in 
habited   by    these    Indians,   whom   he    calls   the 
Issati    and    Nadouessioux,    since    known    as    the 
Sioux. 

Many  adventures  are  related  as  having  hap- 
pened during  his  residence  with  these  wild 
tribes,  showing  their  manners  and  habits  of 
life.  He  speaks  of  himself  and  his  comrades 
as  being  in  captivity,  but  he  does  not  inform 
us  wherein  their  liberty  was  restrained.  He 
was  permitted  to  be  absent  for  several  weeks 
with  one  of  his  men,  on  a  voyage  down  the 
river  to  the  Wisconsin,  and  Picard  was  allowed 
to  retain  his  sword,  pistols,  and  powder.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  they  could  not  have  gone 
away  when  they  pleased,  at  least  after  the  first 
few  days  of  their  captivity ;  no  complaint  thai 
they  were  deprived  of  food  or  raiment,  or  com- 
pelled to  endure  greater  hardships  than  the 
Indians  themselves.  They  remained  in  the 
villages,  and  in  wandering  with  the  savages, 
about  three  months,  when  they  were  agreeably 
surprised  by  meeting  a  party  of  five  French- 
men, under  the  command  of  the  Sieur  du 
Luth,  who  had  come  into  the  country  by  the 
way  of  Lake  Superior.  Luth  ^^'as  a  man  of 
courage    and    enterprise,    who    had    penetrated 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  81 

these  remote  regions  for  the  purpose  rather  of 
trade  than  of  discovery.  He  prevailed  on  Hen- 
nepin, Picard,  and  Ako,  to  go  with  him  to  the 
villages,  where  they  all  stayed  till  near  the  end 
of  September,  1680 ;  and  then  they  set  off  to- 
gether on  their  return  to  Canada,  being  nine 
persons  in  company. 

Descending  the  Mississippi  to  the  Wisconsin, 
they  took  the  route,  that  was  then  well  known, 
up  the  Wisconsin  and  down  the  Fox  River  to 
Green  Bay,  and  arrived  at  Mackinac  in  the 
early  part  of  November,  about  eight  months 
from  the  date  of  Hennepin's  departure  from 
Fort  Crevecceur.  If  they  had  arrived  a  few 
weeks  earlier,  they  would  have  met  the  Sieur 
de  la  Salle  at  Mackinac,  on  his  way  to  the  Illi- 
nois country.  Hennepin  went  to  Quebec,  and 
sailed  for  France,  where  he  published,  three  or 
four  years  afterwards,  an  account  of  his  travels 
and  discoveries,  under  the  title  of  a  Description 
of  Louisiana.'^ 

Such  is  the  substance  of  his  narrative,  as  con- 
tained in  this  first  work.     It  is  singularly  deficient 

*  This  work  was  written  and  printed  some  time  before 
Its  publication.  The  license  is  dated  September  10th,  1682 ; 
the  printing  was  completed  January  5th,  1683;  and,  in  his 
preface  to  tlie  JVouvelle  Decoiiverte,  he  says  it  was  published 
in  1684,  though  some  copies  bear  the  date  of  tlie  year  pre- 


ceding. 


6 


82  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY. 

in  geographical  facts,  though  it  abounds  with 
curious  incidents  and  descriptions,  somewhat 
confusedly  put  together.  His  discoveries  were 
limited  to  the  space  on  the  Mississippi  and  St. 
Francis  between  the  Wisconsin  and  the  Issati 
villages,  for  Marquette  had  passed  over  his 
track  below  the  Wisconsin.  This  was  all  he 
pretended  to  have  done  in  his  first  narrative,  and 
his  map  of  the  Mississippi  extends  no  farther 
down  than  the  mouth  of  the  Illinois. 

Although  it  was  evident,  from  the  book  itself, 
that  the  author  was  endowed  with  a  lively 
imagination,  and  entertained  exalted  ideas  of 
the  great  things  he  had  accomplished,  yet,  as 
he  had  really  shown  himself  a  man  of  courage 
and  persevering  resolution,  the  world  seemed 
disposed  to  allow  him  credit  for  sincerity  and 
general  accuracy,  except  in  his  estimate  of  the 
Falls  of  Niagara,  which  he  represents  to  be  six 
hundred  feet  high.  And,  after  all,  this  might 
be  an  error  of  judgment,  for  he  does  not  pretend 
to  have  measured  the  height,  although  he  passed 
a  winter  within  the  sound  of  the  cataract. 

Tliirteen  years  after  the  first  appearance  of 
this  work,  and  ten  years  after  the  death  of  La 
Salle,  he  published  anotlicr  at  Utrecht  and  Am- 
sterdam, with  the  pompous  title  of  a  '•  New 
Discovery  of  a  Vast  Country  situated  in  America, 
Detwccn   New  Mexico  and  the    Frozen  Ocean." 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  S3 

In  this  publication  is  embodied  the  whole  of  the 
former,  written  anew  and  much  enlarged.  This 
might  well  be  done  from  the  author's  notes  and 
recollections.  But  the  most  remarkable  addition 
is  that,  in  which  he  pretends  to  have  descended 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  and  to  have 
been  the  first  discoverer  of  that  river,  giving  the 
particulars  of  the  voyage,  as  to  dates,  distances, 
the  names  of  Indian  tribes,  and  natural  scener}', 
whicli,  it  was  supposed,  could  not  be  known 
except  from  actual  experience  and  observation. 
Men  were  astonished  at  this  new  revelation, 
after  the  secret  had  been  locked  up  for  seven- 
teen years  in  the  bosom  of  a  man,  who  had 
never  before  been  suspected  of  hiding  his  light 
under  a  bushel,  or  of  veiling  his  achievements 
from  the  public  eye. 

In  his  first  narrative,  he  says,  ''  We  had  some 
design  of  descending  to  the  mouth  of  the  River 
Colbert,  which  probably  discharges  itself  rather 
into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  than  into  the  Vermilion 
Sea ;  but  tlie  nations  who  took  us  prisoners  would 
not  allow  us  time  to  navigate  this  river  both  up 
and  down."  *  After  this  gratuitous  declaration, 
it  is  no  wonder  that  his  readers  should  have  been 

*  Description  de  la  Loidsiane,  p.  218.  At  tlie  time  of 
La  Salle's  discovery,  the  Mississippi  was  called  Colbert  by 
the  French,  after  the  great  minister;  and  the  nan've  of 
Seignelai/,  his  son,  was  given  to  the  Illinois. 


84  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

surprised  at  his  detailed  account  of  a  voyage, 
which  he  had  said  he  could  not  perform.  jVor 
was  this  surprise  lessened^by  further  examinati  )n. 
The  voyage  is  interpolated  into  the  original 
narrative,  and  the  time  assigned  for  it  is  so  short 
as  to  astound  the  faith  of  the  most  credulous. 
He  takes  but  forty-one  days  to  descend  from 
the  Illinois  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  to  return, 
a  distance,  up  and  down,  of  two  thousand  seven 
hundred  miles,  and  this  in  a  canoe  paddled  by 
two  men;  whereas  the  trading  boats  on  the 
Mississippi,  with  oars  and  sails,  were  considered 
long  afterwards  as  having  made  an  expeditious 
voyaGre  in  ascendinsr  from  New  Orleans  to  St. 
Louis  in  seventy  days.*  According  to  his  own 
statement,  the  average  distance  passed  over  by 
his  canoe,  from  the  time  he  left  the  Illinois  River 
till  he  returned  to  it,  must  have  been  at  least 
sixty-five  miles  a  day.  f 

The  suspicions  of  the  author's  veracity,  which 

*  Stoddard's  Louisiana,  p.  18. 

f  Moreover  tlierc  is  a  conflict  of  dates,  which  defies  every 
attempt  at  a  reconciliation.  He  sets  out  from  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  on  the  1st  of  April,  is  at  tlie  Arkansas  River  on  the 
0th,  and  at  the  Illinois  on  the  24tli ;  but  in  his  first  account 
lie  represents  himself  as  having  been  captured  by  tlic  Issati 
Indians  near  the  Wisconsin  on  the  11th  of  the  same  month, 
and,  in  his  second  account,  on  the  12th.  To  have  altered 
this  last  date  essentially  would  have  marred  all  that  followed, 
but,  as  it  stands,  it  equally  unsettles  all  tliat  preceded. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  85 

could  not  but  spring  from  these  circumstances, 
were  strengthened  by  others.  In  the  preface  to 
his  New  Discovery,  he  affirmed  that  he  hved  in 
America  eleven  years,  whereas  the  whole  time 
of  his  residence  there  was  less  than  five  years. 
He  also  declares  that  Joliet  assured  him  that 
he  had  never  been  further  west  than  the  Hu- 
rons  and  Ottaways,  who  dwelt  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Green  Bay ;  *  but  he  had  before  written 
that  Joliet  descended  the  Mississippi  as  far  as 
the  Illinois.!  In  the  preface  to  his  third  work, 
he  says,  in  round  terms,  that  he  was  ''  the 
first  European  who  discovered  the  course  of 
the  Mississippi ; "  and  again  he  repeats,  "  I  was 
the  first  European  who  navigated  that  river,"J 
although  he  had  learned  from  Joliet  himself  the 
particulars  of  his  voyage  to  the  Arkansas,  per- 
formed seven  years  before  the  river  was  seen 
by  Hennepin,  and  the  interesting  narrative  of 
that  voyage  by  Marquette  had  been  a  long  time 
published.  Nor  was  it  possible  that  these  as- 
sertions should  be  mere  slips  of  the  pen  or  of 
memory.  The  motive  for  making  them  was 
obvious,  and  could  by  no  means  redound  to  the 
author's  credit  or  honor. 

He   assigns  reasons,  however,  for  withholding 

*  JVouvelle  Decouverte,  Chap.  XL. 
f  Description  Je  la  Louisiane,  p.  13. 
J  JVouveau  Voyage,  Chap.  III. 


S6  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

• 

his  secret  so  long,  and  for  not  divulging  it  dur- 
ing the  lifetime  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  whom 
he  represents  as  so  eager  for  the  glory  of  dis- 
covering the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  that  his 
anger  would  never  cease  to  burn,  if  it  were 
known  to  him  that  he  had  been  anticipated  by 
one  of  his  own  party,  in  violation  of  his  orders. 
He  tells  us,  also,  that  La  Salle  was  his  enemy. 
In  adducing  proofs,  he  goes  far  back,  and  re- 
lates a  circumstance  which 'happened  while  they 
were  crossing  the  Atlantic  together  from  France 
to  Canada.  A  joyous  company  of  girls  on  board 
sought  to  wear  away  the  tediousness  of  the  voy- 
age, and  enliven  the  spirits  of  the  passengers,  by 
the  amusement  of  dancing.  This  was  more  than 
the  grave  and  scrupulous  Recollect  could  endure, 
and  he  took  occasion  to  reprimand  the  young 
damsels,  and  check  their  hilarity.  La  Salle  in- 
terposed, and  said  there  was  no  harm  in  dancing, 
and  that  the  missionary  had  overstepped  the 
bounds  of  his  authority.  Warm  words  ensued, 
and  we  are  called  upon  to  believe  that,  by  this 
frivolous  incident,  a  root  of  bitterness  was  planted 
in  his  bosom,  which  was  never  eradicated.* 

*  This  story  is  told  in  tlie  preface  to  the  JVeio  Discovery. 
A  small  i)art  only  of  this  curious  preface  is  printed  in  the 
Englisli  translation.  Indeed,  the  English  version  of  the 
M'hole  book  is  wretched,  botli  in  tlie  matter  and  style.  Tiie 
Aoia'e//t   Vccouvcrte,  and  J^ouveau   Voyage^  are  both  con- 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  87 

Again  he  recurs  to  a  conversation  between  him 
and  La  Salle  at  Fort  Frontenac  concerning  the 
Mines  of  St.  Barbe  in  Mexico,  of  which  the  lat- 
ter expressed  a  hope  of  some  day  gaining  pos- 
session. The  patriotic  Recollect  talked  coldly 
of  such  a  scheme,  because  he  was  a  good  sub- 
ject of  the  King  of  Spain.  By  this  indication 
of  loyalty,  according  to  his  representation,  the 
heart  of  his  commander  was  turned  against  him. 

In  addition  to  tales  like  these,  we  have  an 
insinuation  that  he  had  been  exposed  to  un- 
necessary dangers.  AVhat  can  be  more  ab- 
surd than  these  trivial  *  pretences  ?  Deception 
is  stamped  on  the  face  of  them.  By  his  own 
choice.  La  Salle  had  retained  him  at  Fort  Fron- 
tenac, invited  him  to  take  part  in  the  expedition, 
and  confided  to  him  the  enterprise  to  the  Upper 
Mississippi.  These  acts  are  not  proofs  of  en- 
mity, but  of  friendship  and  confidence.  Yet 
such  are  the  reasons  given,  if  reasons  they  can 
be  called,  for  so  long  keeping  out  of  sight  this 
boasted  discovery. 

The  blame  for  a  disobedience  of  orders  he 
threw  upon  his  two  men,  Picard  du  Gay  and 
Ako.  He  describes  as  follows  the  state  of  his 
mind   and    his    resolutions    when    he    was    delib- 

tained  in  tlie  Recueil  de  Voyages  au  JVord^  (Vols.  V.  IX.,] 
but  tho  prefaces  and  dedications  are  omitted,  and  also  more 
than  three  chapters  at  the  end  of  tlie  jYowreau  Voyage. 


88  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

crating  what   course    to    take  at   the   mouth  of 
the  Illinois  Ptiver. 

"I  am  now  determined  to  make  known  to  the 
whole  world  the  mystery  of  this  discovery, 
which  I  have  hitherto  concealed,  that  I  might  not 
give  vexation  to  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  who  was 
ambitious  to  secure  to  himself  alone  the  glory 
and  ^he  knowledge  of  it.  For  this  reason,  he 
sacrificed  many  persons,  whom  he  exposed  to 
dangers  to  prevent  them  from  publishing  what 
they  had  seen,  and  thereby  crossing  his  secret 
designs.  I  was  fully  persuaded  that,  if  I  went 
dov/n  the  Mississippi,  he 'would  traduce  me  to  my 
superiors,  because  I  did  not  pursue  the  route  to 
the  north,  which  I  ought  to  have  done  in  obedi- 
ence to  his  directions,  and  according  to  the  plan 
we  had  agreed  upon  together.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  I  saw  myself  about  to  perish  with  hunger, 
and  knew  not  wliat  to  do,  as  the  two  men  who 
accompanied  me  threatened  openly  to  go  off  in 
the  night,  and  take  with  them  the  canoe  and  all 
its  contents,  if  I  refused  to  descend  the  river  to 
the  nations  inhabiting  its  banks  below.  Sur- 
rounded by  these  embarrassments,  I  could  hesi- 
tate no  longer,  and  I  thought  it  my  duty  to 
prefer  my  own  safety  to  the  violent  passion, 
which  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  had  conceived  of 
enjoying  alone  the  glory  of  this  discovery.  The 
two  men,    seeing  me    resolved    to   follow    them, 


ROBERT     D  E     LA     SALLE.  89 

[)romised  entire  fidelity.  After  we  had  shaken 
luinds  as  a  mutual  pledge,  we  embarked  on  our 
voyage."  * 

By  this  statement  he  would  have  it  believed 
that  the  voyage  was  accidental  on  his  part,  and 
that  he  was  compelled  to  undertake  it  against  his 
will,  by  the  obstinacy  of  his  two  men  ;  and  no 
other  motive  is  assigned  than  that  of  procuring 
food  to  keep  them  from  starving.  Was  not  this 
end  to  be  answered  just  as  well  by  going  up 
the  river  as  down?  When  they  afterwards 
ascended  the  river  above  the  Illinois,  we  hear 
no  complaint  of  a  want  of  provisions.  In  fact, 
the  whole  paragraph  is  anything  but  a  fair  and 
ingenuous  explanation  of  his  conduct.  He  might 
well  have  had  some  qualms  of  conscience  in  the 
matter,  for,  besides  a  violation  of  trust  and  dis- 
obedience of  orders,  the  canoe  was  laden  with 
merchandise  Vv'hich  belonged  to  La  Salle,  de- 
signed for  conciliating  the  Indians  by  presents, 
and  for  procuring  necessary  supplies.f 

It    has   been    asked    where    Hennepin    found 

*  J\'ouveUe  Decouverte,  Chap.  XXXVII. 

f  It  is  singular  tliat  Charlevoix  should  represent  Henne- 
pin's voyage  down  the  Mississippi  to  have  taken  place 
qfler  he  had  been  at  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony.  [Hist  de  la 
.Youv.  France,  Chap.  X.)  It  shows  with  how  little  atten- 
tion the  historian  perused  the  volumes  of  the  ambitious 
Recollect.  The  Jesuits,  to  whose  body  Charlevoix  be- 
longed, were  more  fortunate  in  his  hands. 


90  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

materials  for  his  account  of  a  voyage  which 
never  existed  except  in  his  imaf^ination.  Some 
have  supposed  that  he  drew  tliem  from  the  book 
ascribed  to  Tonty,  which  appeared  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  year  in  which  the  Neiu  Discover)/ 
was  pubhshed,  and  might  therefore  have  been  in 
the  hands  of  the  author  early  enough  for  such  a 
use.  For  the  descriptions  of  natural  scenery,  as 
far  as  the  Arkansas  River,  he  might  have  helped 
himself  from  Marquette.  It  is  true  enough  that 
the  agreement  v/ith  Tonty,  in  many  parts,  is 
too  close  to  have  been  the  result  of  accident , 
and  it  is  remarkable  that  the  Recollect  and  his 
two  men  should  encounter  so  many  events,  which 
happened  precisely  in  the  same  manner,  and  at 
the  same  places,  two  years  afterwards,  to  the 
Sieur  de  la  Salle  and  his  party ;  and  these  events 
of  a  kind  which  would  never  be  likely  to  happen 
but  once  anywhere.  But  there  is  no  occasion 
to  pursue  this  inquiry,  for  the  problem  can  be 
solved  by  a  more  direct  and  certain  process. 

Le  Clercq's  account  of  the  missionary  pro- 
ceedings in  Canada  was  published  in  1691,  six 
years  before  Hennepin's  revelation  of  his  new 
discovery.  The  work  contains  a  pretty  full 
narrative  of  La  Salle's  voyage  down  the  Missis- 
sippi, Avhich  the  author  professes  to  compile  from 
the  letters  of  Father  Zenobe,  and  for  the  most 
part   in    his   own    words.       Zenobe    was    in    the 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  91 

expedition,  and  described  it  in  letters  to  the 
Bishop  of  Quebec,  of  which  Le  Clercq  procured 
copies.  Now,  whoever  will  make  the  comparison 
will  find  that  Hennepin  has  not  only  taken  the 
frame-work  of  his  narrative  from  Le  Clercq,  but 
has  appropriated  whole  paragraphs,  with  very 
slight  verbal  alterations,  contenting  himself  with 
changing  the  dates  to  suit  the  occasion.  It 
is  possible  that  he  may  have  had  access  to  a 
copy  of  Zenobe's  letters  on  this  subject,  as  he 
speaks,  in  another  part  of  his  work,  of  having 
seen  his  previous  letters  describing  the  Iroquois 
war  and  Tonty's  adventures  ;  but,  if  we  admit 
this  possibility,  it  does  not  alter  the  nature  of 
the  case,  nor  weaken  the  charge  of  piracy  and 
fabrication.  These  facts,  added  to  others,  are 
perfectly  conclusive,  and  must  convict  Father 
Hennepin  of  having  palmed  upon  the  world  a 
pretended  discovery  and  a  fictitious  narrative. 
It  is  no  other  than  a  description  of  the  voyage 
of  La  Salle,  vamped  up  in  a  new  and  deceptive 
dress,  and  adorned  by  such  intervening  incidents 
as  a  fertile  invention  could  easily  supply.* 

Notwithstanding  this  gross  imposition,  we  must 
allow  him  justice  on  other  points.     There  seems 

*  Parallel  passages  from  Le  Clercq  and  Hennepin,  bear- 
ing out  the  above  statement,  may  be  seen  in  the  Appendix, 
No.  III.  Le  Clercq's  two  volumes  are  very  rare.  The  cir- 
culation of  tlie  work  is  said  to  have  been  suppressed   by 


92  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

no  good  reason  to  doubt  the  general  accuracy  of 
his  first  book,  nor  of  his  second,  previously  to 
his  departure  from  Fort  Crevecceur.  Where  his 
personal  ambition  and  glory  are  not  concerned, 
he  may  probably  be  relied  on  ;  but,  unfortunate- 
ly, these  too  often  obtrude  themselves  upon  the 
reader's  notice.  He  was  one  of  that  restless 
and  aspiring  class  of  men,  who  are  unhappy  at 
the  thought  of  another's  fame  or  success,  looking 
upon  themselves  as  entitled  to  a  monopoly  of 
these  distinctions.  Jealous  of  rivals,  and  dis- 
trustful of  friends,  he  was  always  prying  into  hid- 
den motives,  and  his  wayward  temper  drove  him 
into  troubles,  which  would  have  been  shunned 
by  a  mind  of  more  repose.  His  descriptions 
of  Indian  manners  and  life  are  skilfully  drawn, 
and  are  valuable  as  being  the  results  of  much 
experience  and   observation  ;  and  in  the  marvel- 

the  French  government,  for  some  political  reason,  soon  after 
it  was  published.     Coxe's  Carolana,  p.  118. 

The  first  eight  chapters  of  Hennepin's  tliird  work,  the 
JVouvcau  Voyage,  contain  an  account  of  La  Salle's  last 
voyage,  travels  in  Texas,  and  death.  This  account  is 
likewise  closely  copied  from  Le  Clercq,  v/ho  acknowledges 
himself  indebted  for  his  materials  to  tiie  letters  of  FaUier 
Anastase,  a  missionary  in  that  expedition.  Hennepin 
acknowledges  the  same,  but  in  many  parts  he  copies  the 
reflections  and  remarks  of  Le  Clercq,  which  shows  that  ho 
used  Le  Clercq's  printed  book,  instead  of  Anastasc's  letters 
and  yet  he  gives  no  credit. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  93 

lous  he  deals  less  than  many  of  tlic  writers  of 
his  time,  who  are  allowed  the  credit  of  fidelity 
and  truth. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

La  Salle  begins  his  Voyage  doivn  the  Mississippi. 

—  Intercourse  ivith  various  Indian  Nations  on 
the  Bajiks  of  the  River.  —  Arrives  at  its 
Mouth,  and  takes  Possession    of  the    Country. 

—  Returns  to  the  Illinois,  and  thence  to 
France. 

When  the  Sicur  de  la  Salle  arrived  at  Fort 
Frontenac  with  the  remnants  of  his  company, 
as  heretofore  related,  he  immediately  began  to 
prepare  for  another  expedition,  determined  to 
proceed  with  as  little  delay  as  possible  to  the 
Mississippi.  It  was.  his  first  object  to  recruit 
his  forces,  and  he  took  into  his  service  a  com- 
pany of  Frenchmen,  and  also  a  number  of 
eastern  Indians,  Abenakies,  and  Loups  or  Ma- 
hingans,  as  they  are  called  by  the  French  writers. 
Jle  also  adjusted  the  difficulties  with  his  cred- 
itors, either  by  payment  or  satisfactory  security ; 
and   he   was  enabled  to   provide    for  his    future 


94  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

expenses  by  pledging  Fort  Frontenac  and  the 
lands  around  it,  as  also  his  privilege  of  com- 
merce witli  the  natives.  He  met  the  secretary 
of  the  Count  de  Frontenac  at  Montreal,  who  was 
instructed  to  hold  an  interview  with  him  on 
certain  affairs  appertaining  to  the  government. 
The  Sieur  Dautray,  son  of  the  Procurer-General 
of  Quebec,  joined  him  as  a  volunteer. 

Sending  forward  Father  Zenobe  with  a  large 
part  of  his  men,  and  putting  Fort  Frontenac 
under  the  command  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Forest, 
he  followed  with  the  remainder  to  Niagara.  .  A 
fort  had  here  been  built,  called  Fort  de  Conty, 
which  was  occupied  by  a  small  garrison.  Every- 
thing being  now  in  readiness,  he  embarked  with 
his  whole  company  in  canoes  from  the  head  of 
the  Niagara  River,  on  the  28th  of  August,  1681, 
and,  without  any  remarkable  incident  during  the 
voyage,  arrived  at  the  Miamis  River  on  the  3d 
of  November. 

Six  weeks  were  here  spent  in  the  necessary 
arrangements.  The  company  selected  for  the 
voyage  down  the  Mississippi  consisted  of  fifty- 
four  persons,  namely,  twenty-three  Frenchmen, 
eighteen  savages,  Abenakies  and  Loups,  from 
New  England,  ten  Indian  women,  and  three 
children.  The  Indians  insisted  on  taking  these 
women  with  them   to  prepare  their  food,  accord- 


ROBERT     DELASALLE.  95 

ing  to  their  custom,  while  they  were  fishing  and 
hunting.* 

It  was  decided  to  diverge  from  the  old  route, 
and  Tonty  and  Zcnobe  were  despatched  in  ca- 
noes, with  the  equipage  and  nearly  all   the  men, 
along  the  southern  border  of  Lake   IMicliigan   to 
the  mouth  of  the   Chicago   River.     The    waters 
were   closed  with  ice,   as  had   been  anticipated, 
and  Tonty  caused  sledges  to  be  constructed  for 
dragging    the    canoes   over    tiie   frozen    surface. 
La  Salle  travelled  on  foot  from  the  Miamis  River, 
and  joined  him   on    the  4th  of  January,    1682 
The   whole   party  then  began  their  journey    up 
the  Chicago,  the  canoes,  baggage,  provisions,  and 
a   wounded    Frenchman  unable    to  walk,   being 
thus  conveyed  to  its  sources,  and  thence  across 
the    portage,    and    down    the    Illinois    to   Lake 
Peoria,  where  the  river  was  open,  and  the  canoes 
were  launched  again  upon  their  proper  element. 
No  Indians  were  seen  at  the  great  village,  they 
having  gone   to  their   winter  habitations   below. 
Fort    Crevecceur  was    found    in  good   condition. 
Tliere  seems  to  have  been  a  garrison  in  the  fort, 

*  That  Avomen  and  cJiildren  should  be  taken  on  such  an 
enterprise  ■would  seem  incredible,  if  it  were  not  so  stated 
by  Father  Zenobe,  who  is  particular  in  liis  enumeration  of 
the  persons  engaged.  See  Le  Clercq's  Eiablissemf.nt  de  la 
Foy,  Tom.  II.  p.  214.  La  Salle  also  mentions  tlie  women 
in  his  Prods  Verbal,  bih:  not  the  cliildren. 


96  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

probably  sent  thither  a  few  weeks  before  by  La 
Salle,  on  his  last  arrival  at  the  Miamis  River,  for 
there  is  no  evidence  of  its  having  been  occupied 
till  now  from  the  time  it  was  abandoned  by 
Tonty,  soon  after  its  construction.  There  was 
no  delay  at  this  place ;  and,  on  the  6th  of  Feb- 
ruary, the  voyagers  found  themselves  floating 
safely  on  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi,  no  acci- 
dent having  occurred  to  retard  their  progress  or 
cloud  their  hopes. 

They  were  detained  here  seven  days,  waiting 
for  the  Indians,  who  had  loitered  behind  in  conse- 
quence of  the  floating  ice ;  and,  on  the  day  af 
their  departure,  they  passed  the  mouth  of  the 
Missouri,  the  general  appearance  of  which  and 
its  muddy  waters  are  accurately  described  by 
Father  Zenobe.  Six  leagues  below,  on  the  east 
side  of  the  river,  they  landed  near  a  village  of 
the  Tamaroa  Indians,  who  were  then  all  absent 
at  their  hunting  grounds ;  and  from  this  place, 
having  no  provisions  in  store  but  Indian  corn, 
and  being  obliged  to  stop  on  the  way  to  hunt 
and  fish,  they  advanced  slowly  to  the  Ohio  River, 
where  they  remained  a  short  time.  For  a  hun- 
dred and  twenty  miles  below  the  mouth  of  the 
Ohio,  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi  were  marshy 
and  covered  with  reeds,  which  aflbrded  no  op- 
portunity for  hunting ;  and  the  next  resting-place 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  97 

was  at  the  Chickasaw  Bluffs,  where  they  arrived 
on  the  26th  of  February. 

The  hunters  went  into  the  woods  in  search 
of  game,  and  all  returned  except  Pierre  Prud- 
homme.  As  Indians  had  been  seen,  who  proba- 
bly fled  at  the  sound  of  the  guns,  it  was  feared 
that  Prudhomme  might  have  been  captured  or 
killed.  To  be  on  his  guard,  the  Sieur  de  la 
Salle  threw  up  an  intrenchment,  called  Fort 
Prudhomme,  a  name  which  it  retain^  long 
afterwards ;  and  at  the  same  time  ordered  a 
party  of  Frenchmen  and  Abenakies  to  follov/ 
the  Indian  tracks,  and,  if  possible,  to  take  some 
of  the  natives  prisoners,  without  doing  them  any 
harm,  by  which  means  he  hoped  to  gain  intelli- 
gence of  the  lost  man.  Gabriel  Barbie  and  two 
Abenakies  succeeded  in  discovering  five  natives, 
and  in  capturing  two  of  them,  whom  they  con- 
ducted to  the  camp.  They  were  given  to 
understand  that  no  injury  was  intended,  that 
they  would  be  kindly  treated,  and  that  peace 
with  their  nation  was  desired.  They  reported 
themselves  as  belonging  to  the  nation  of  Chicka- 
saws,  and  acceded  to  the  proposition  for  peace, 
but  they  could  give  no  account  of  Prudhomme 
They  said  that  one  of  their  villages  was  distant 
only  half  a  day's  journey.  La  Salle,  Zenobe, 
and  others,  set  off*  for  the  village ;  but,  after  trav- 
ellmg  till   night,  the  lavages   confessed  that  the 

VOL.  I.  7 


98  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

distance  was  four  clays'  journey  farther.  In  this 
state  of  uncertainty,  owing  probably  to  the  difTi- 
cuhy  of  communicating  with  these  Indians,  and 
being  without  provisions,  they  all  went  back  to 
the  camp.  One  of  the  Chickasaws  agreed  to 
return  with  them,  and  the  other  promised  to  go 
to  the  village,  and  prevail  on  some  of  the  princi- 
pal men  to  meet  La  Salle  on  the  bank  of  the 
river,  at  the  distance  of  four  days'  journey  below. 

At  l^gth  Prudhomme  was  found,  after  having 
been  lost  in  the  woods  nine  days.  Pursuing 
their  voyage  for  a  hundred  miles  or  more  wimo- 
lested,  and  without  being  able  to  find  the  Chicka- 
saw rendezvous  by  reason  of  a  fog,  they  were 
all  at  once  arrested  by  the  sound  of  a  drum  on 
the  western  sido  of  the  river,  and  the  calls  of 
distant  voices,  as  if  giving  an  alarm.  With  his 
usual  caution,  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  pushed  for 
the  opposite  shore,  where  trees  were  felled,  and  a 
place  of  defence  was  hastily  constructed.  This 
caution,  however,  proved  to  be  unnecessary. 

No  demonstrations  of  hostility  were  shown  by 
the  natives,  who  cordially  accepted  the  calume\ 
of  peace,  visited  the  Frenchmen  in  tlicir  camp, 
and  invited  them  to  their  village.  The  shore 
was  lined  by  a  concourse  of  people  to  receive 
them,  cabins  were  assigned  for  their  accommoda- 
tion, fuel  was  supplied  for  their  fires,  abundance 
of  provisions  was  brought  to  them,  and  for  tlire* 


ROBCRT     DE     LA     SALLE.  99 

days  they  were  regaled  with  a  continual  feast. 
These  Indians,  it  was  remarked,  were  of  a  much 
gayer  humor  than  those  of  the  north,  more  frank 
and  open-hearted,  more  gentle  in  their  manners, 
and  decorous  in  their  deportment.  The  Sieur 
de  la  Salle  was  treated  with  marked  deference 
and  respect.  He  took  possession  of  the  country 
in  the  name  of  his  king,  erected  a  cross,  and 
adorned  it  with  the  arms  of  France.  This  was 
done  with  much  pomp  and  ceremony,  at  which 
the  savages  testified  great  joy,  and  doubtless 
supposed  it  to  be  intended  for  their  amusement. 
Father  Zenobe  also  performed  his  part,  by  en- 
deavoring to  impress  upon  the  multitude  some  of 
the  mysteries  of  his  faith,  as  far  as  he  could  do  it 
without  understanding  a  word  of  their  language  ; 
and  he  did  not  despair  of  having  produced  good 
effects,  especially  as  he  observed,  on  his  return, 
that  the  cross  stood  untouched,  and  had  been 
surrounded  by  the  Indians  with  a  line  of  pali- 
sades. This  village  was  called  Kappa,  one 
amongst  many  others  occupied  by  the  Akansa  In- 
dians in  the  vicinity  of  the  Arkansas  River.  Two 
weeks  were  passed  in  these  villages,  and  in  all  of 
them  t]ie  reception  was  equally  cordial. 

Tiie  next  nation  below  was  that  of  the  Taensas. 
Tliey  arrived  here  on  the  20th  of  March.  The 
villages  were  at  the  opposite  side  of  a  lake 
formed  by  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi.     Zenobe 


100  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

and  Tonty  were  deputed  to  go  with  presents  on 
an  embassy  to  the  king,  whom  they  found  in 
much  regal  state,  and  an  absolute  sovereign  ovei 
his  people,  surrounded  by  numerous  attendants, 
who  approached  him  \^'ith  ceremonious  respect. 
He  was  not  contented  with  showing  all  due 
hospitality  and  civilities  to  the  ambassadors,  but 
signified  his  intention  to  return  the  compliment 
by  a  visit  to  tlieir  commander.  Two  hours 
before  the  time  appointed  for  the  visit,  a^  master 
of  ceremonies  appeared  with  six  men,  who 
cleared  the  way  over  which  the  great  chief  was 
to  pass,  and  erected  an  awning  of  mats  to  shield 
him  from  the  sun.  He  came  clothed  in  a  white 
robe  beautifully  woven  from  the  bark  of  trees, 
preceded  by  two  men  bearing  fans  of  white 
plumes.  A  third  carried  before  him  two  plates 
of  copper  brightly  polished.  His  demeanor  was 
stately  and  grave,  but  complaisant  and  engaging ; 
and  throughout  the  interview  he  manifested  to- 
kens of  satisfaction,  confidence,  and  friendship. 
Father  Zenobe  represents  these  savages  as 
docile,  tractable,  and  capable  of  intellectual 
culture,  and  as  indicating  by  their  manners  and 
modes  of  life  a  farther  advance  in  civilization 
than  he  had  ever  seen  among  the  rude  tribes  of 
the  north.  Their  cabins  were  built  with  walls 
of  mud  mixed  with  straw,  and  covered  with  mats 
of  cane  firmly  wrought  together  and  ornamented 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  101 

* 

with  painted  figures.  Many  convenient  articles 
of  furniture  were  in  use,  which  gave  an  air  of 
comfort  to  the  dwelhngs.  Their  temples,  which 
served  as  the  burial-places  of  the  chiefs,  were 
adorned  with  embellishments.  They  were  be- 
lieved to  be  worshippers  of  the  sun.  Two 
Akansa  guides,  who  could  converse  in  the  lan- 
guage of  these  people,  doubtless  prepared  them 
to  receive  our  voyagers  without  suspicion  or 
distrust.  From  this  place  the  guides  returned 
to  their  nation. 

Parting  on  amicable  terms  with  the  Taensas, 
the  voyagers  proceeded  thirty  or  forty  miles, 
when  they  discovered  a  pirogue,  or  canoe  of 
wood,  to  which  the  Chevalier  de  Tonty  gave 
chase ;  but  he  desisted  when  a  largo  number  of 
savages  were  seen  on  the  shore ;  and  again,  with 
his  customary  precaution,  La  Salle  drew  Jiis 
canoes  to  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river.  The 
calumet  of  peace,  hovt^ever,  soon  settled  all 
doubts,  and  the  Indians,  who  proved  to  be  fish- 
ermen of  the  Natches  tribe,  came,  over  and 
invited  him  to  accompany  them  to  their  village, 
which  was  twelve  miles  from  the  river.  Taking 
with  him  Zenobe  and  some  others, 'he  went  to 
the  village,  and  passed  the  night  there,  and 
was  treated  with  the  same  kindness  as  here- 
tofore, although  the  Natches  were  at  enmity 
with  the  Taensas.     Another   cross  was  planted, 


102  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

with  tlie  arms  of  France  attached  to  it,  by 
which  ceremony  the  country  was  declared  to  be 
held  by  the  king.  The  next  day  they  returned 
to  the  camp,  attended  by  the  principal  persons 
of  the  place,  and  also  by  a  chief  of  Korea, 
a  village  situate  on  the  bank  of  the  river  about 
six  miles  below,  to  which  they  were  invited  by 
the  chief. 

At  Korea  they  were  detained  but  a  short  time. 
A  Chickasaw  Indian,  who  had  come  with  them 
from  Fort  Prudhomme,  remained  at  this  village. 
On  the  3d  of  April,  having  advanced  more  than 
a  hundred  miles  from  Korea,  they  saw  several 
Indians  employed  in  fishing,  who  fled  as  soon  as 
they  were  discovered.  Two  Frenchmen  and  two 
Abenakies  -were  sent  on  shore  to  reconnoitre. 
They  were  saluted  by  a  shower  of  arrows,  and 
soon  returned,  having  been  ordered  not  to  dis- 
charge their  guns,  unless  driven  to  an  extremity. 
A  drum  was  beaten,  and  the  cry  of  war  was 
raised.  These  belligerents  were  the  Quinipis- 
sas.  Not  caring  to  engage  in  a  quarrel  without 
an  object,  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  passed  along 
without  returning  the  fire,  and  came  to  a  vil- 
lage of  thef  Tangibaos,  whicli  had  been  recently 
sacked  and  pillaged,  and  many  dead  bodies  were 
secji  lying  in  the  deseited  cabins. 

At  length,  on  the  6th  of  April,  the  river 
was   observed    to   divide  itself  into   three    chan- 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  103 

nels.  The  Sieur  dc  la  Salle  separated  his 
company  into  tliree  divisions,  and,  putting  him- 
self at  the  head  of  one  of  them,  he  took  the 
western  channel,  the  Chevalier  de  Tonty  the  mid- 
dle, and  the  Sieur  Dautray  the  eastern.  The 
water  soon  became  brackish,  and  then  perfectly 
salt,  till,  at  last,  the  broad  ocean  opened  fully 
before  them.  La  Salle  encamped  for  the  night 
about  twelve  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  west- 
ern branch,  and  the  next  day  he  and  Tonty  ex- 
amined the  shores  bordering  on  the  sea,  and 
ascertained  the  depth  of  the  waters  in  the  two 
principal  channels.  The  day  following  was  em- 
ployed in  searching  for  a  dry  place,  removed 
from  the  tide  and  the  inundations  of  the  river, 
on  which  to  erect  a  column  and  a  cross.  This 
ceremony  was  performed  the  next  day. 

The  arms  of  France  were  attached  to  the 
column,  with  this  inscription ;  Louis  the  Great, 
King  of  France  and  Navarre,  reigiis  ;  the  9th 
of  April,  1632.  All  the  men  were  under  arms, 
and,  after  chanting  the  Te  Beiim,  they  honored 
the  occasion  by  a  discharge  of  their  muskets,  and 
cries  of  Long  live  the  King.  The  column  was 
then  erected  by  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  who  made 
a  formal  speech,  taking  possession  of  the  whole 
country  of  Louisiana  for  the  French  King,  the 
nations  and  people  contained  therein,  the  seas 
and     harbors     adjacent,    and    all     the     streams 


104  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

llowing  into  the  Mississippi,  which  he  calls  the 
great  Pciver  St.  Louis.  A  leaden  plate  was 
buried  at  the  foot  of  a  tree,  with  a  Latin  in- 
scription, containing  the  arms  of  France  and  the 
date,  and  purporting  that  La  Salle,  Tonty,  Ze- 
nobe,  and  twenty  Frenchmen,  were  the  first  to 
navisrate  the  river  from  the  Illinois  to  its  mouth. 
The  cross  was  then  erected  with  similar  cere- 
monies. At  the  same  time  an  account  of  these 
proceedings  was  drawn  up,  in  the  form-  of  a 
Prods  Verbal,  certified  by  a  notary,  and  signed 
by  thirteen  of  the  principal  persons  of  the  expe- 
dition.* 


*  See  a  translation  of  tlie  Procts  Verbal  in  the  Appendix, 
No.  IV.  Creditable  writers  have  erred  in  assigning  the  date 
of  this  discovery  to  the  year  1683;  misled,  perhaps,  by  the 
garbled  narrative  of  Tonty,  in  which  there  would  seem  to 
be  a  misprint  of  the  last  figure,  which  has  been  retained  m 
subsequent  editions  and  translations,  h  is  remarkable  tliat, 
in  the  Letters  Patent  to  Crosat,  signed  by  tlie  king's  hand, 
and  granted  only  tliirty  years  after  tlie  discovery,  tlie  year 
is  twice  mentioned  to  have  been  1G83.  Tlie  Frocks  Verbal 
sets  this  point  at  rest 

It  has  been  said  tliat  the  name  Louisiana  was  first  given 
to  the  country  by  La  Salle  on  tho  present  occasion.  This  is 
possible ;  yet,  as  Hennepin's  Descriplion  de  la  Louisiane 
was  printed  tlie  same  year,  it  is  more  probable  tliat  the 
name  liad  before  been  used,  or  at  least  spoken  of  as  appro- 
priate. La  Salle  does  not  profess,  in  the  Proces  Verbal,  to 
give  a  new  name,  but  seems  ratlicr  to  employ  it  as  one 
already  existing. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  105 

A  scarcity  of  food  oblig^ed  them  to  depart  on 
tlieir  return  up  the  river  without  delay.  When 
they  approached  the  inhospitable  Quinipissas, 
they  landed,  and  encamped  not  far  from  one  of 
their  villages.  Four  women  were  discovered,  and 
brought  to  the  camp ;  and  soon  afterwards  a  party 
of  savages  in  pirogues  came  towards  them,  with 
an  apparent  intention  of  making  an  attack. 
They  refused  to  accept  the  calumet,  and,  when 
a  gun  was  fired,  they  all  hurried  away  in  a  fright, 
having  never  before  seen  firearms.  It  being  ab- 
solutely necessary  to  procure  provisions,  either  by 
favor  or  force,  one  of  the  women  was  dismissed 
with  presents,  and  given  to  understand  that  the 
others  would  be  permitted  to  follow  her,  if  the 
Indians  would  bring  corn  to  the  camp. 

On  the  following  day,  one  of  the  chiefs  ap- 
peared, and  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  went  out  to 
meet  him.  A  peace  was  concluded,  and  hostages 
were  given  by  the  savages.  This  proved  to  be 
a  finesse,  however,  and  designed  only  to  gain 
time  for  an  accession  to  their  numbers.  While 
several  Frenchmen  were  at  the  village,  where  a 
feast  was  prepared  for  them,  armed  men  were 
seen  coming  from  different  quarters,  and  they 
all  retired  hastily  to  the  camp.  Before  light  the 
next  mornin<x,  a  sentinel  heard  a  noise  amone: 
the  canes,  and  gave  the  alarm.  All  hands  were 
called  to  arms,  and  at  that  moment  the  savages 


106  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

raised  the  war  cry,  and  discharged  their  arrows. 
This  sakitation  was  returned  by  a  volley  from 
the  muskets,  and  a  skirmish  was  kept  up  for 
nearly  two  hours.  Ten  of  the  savages  were 
killed,  and  many  others  wounded,  but  no  harm 
was  done  to  their  opponents.  The  Indians  at 
last  ran  off,  leaving  their  dead  behind,  and  the 
Loups,  true  to  the  power  of  habit,  bore  away 
two  Quinipissa  scalps.  So  successful  had  La 
Salle  been  in  his  intercourse  with  the  numerous 
tribes  of  Indians,  whom  he  had  met,  that  this 
was  the  first  instance  in  which  he  was  compelled 
to  wage  war  upon  them.  Some  of  his  people 
were  eager  to  go  and  burn  down  the  village  of 
so  perfidious  a  race,  but  he  refused  his  consent. 

On  the  1st  of  May,  they  came  to  the  Koroas, 
who  had  received  them  as  friends  on  their  way 
down,  but  were  now  seen  in  arms  along  the  bank 
of  the  river.  They  were  allies  of  the  Q,uinipissas, 
who  had  sent  messengers  in  advance.  No  hos- 
tilities were  offered,  and,  putting  on  a  bold  coun- 
tenance, the  voyagers  passed  above  the  villages  to 
the  place  where  they  had  concealed  a  quantity  of 
corn,  which  was  found  in  good  condition.  This 
was  an  opportune  supply,  for  they  had  suffered 
extremely  from  hunger  since  they  left  the  mouth 
of  the  river.  At  Taensa  and  Akansa  they  met 
with  the  same  friendly  reception  as  before. 

From   this   latter  place   the   Sieur  de  la   Salle 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  107 

proceeded,  in  advance  of  the  others,  with  two 
canoes,  as  far  as  Fort  Prudhomme,  wliere  he 
was  overtaken  by  the  whole  party  on  the  2d  of 
June.  Here  he  was  seized  with  a  dangerous 
illness,  which  arrested  his  progi-ess ;  but  he  de- 
spatched the  Chevalier  de  Tonty  to  Mackinac, 
with  orders  to  inform  the  Count  de  Frontenac, 
by  the  first  conveyance,  of  the  particulars  of  tl:^ 
voyage,  and  then  to  return  to  the  Illinois.  The 
good  Father  Zenobe  remained  with  his  com- 
mander, whose  malady  was  so  severe,  that  he 
was  detained  forty  days,  and  then  by  slow  move- 
ments he  reached  the  Miamis  Pviver  towards  the 
end  of  September. 

Tonty  had  been  faithful  and  active  in  execut- 
ing: his  orders.  He  had  returned  from  Macki- 
nac,  and  while  on  his  way  thither,  he  placed 
Dautray  in  command  at  the  Miamis  River,  and 
Cauchois  at  Fort  St.  Louis,  near  which  many 
Indians  assembled  and  built  two  hundred  new 
cabins.  According  to  Father  Zenobe's  account, 
it  was  at  this  time  the  intention  of  the  Sieur  de 
la  Salle  to  go  down  the  Mississippi  ^in  the  spring 
following,  with  a  large  number  of  people  and 
families,  to  found  a  colony. 

AVishing  to  communicate  full  and  accurate  in- 
formation of  his  discoveries  to  the  court  of  France, 
he  prevailed  on  Father  Zenobe  to  be  the  bearer 


108  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

of  his  despatches.  The  resolution  was  suddenly- 
taken,  and  Zenobe  left  the  Miamis  River  on  the 
8th  of  October  for  Quebec,  whence  he  sailed 
in  tlie  same  vessel  witli  the  Count  de  Frontenac, 
and  arrived  in  France  before  the  end  of  the 
year. 

Little  is  known  of  the  plans  or  the  operations 
gf  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  during  the  next  ten  or 
twelve  months.  The  letters  of  Father  Zenobe, 
who  had  been  his  devoted  attendant  for  the  last 
four  years,  fail  us  here,  and  no  other  records 
have  come  to  light  to  supply  their  place.  It  can 
only  be  ascertained,  that  he  passed  the  time  in 
the  Illinois  country,  and  in  the  region  of  the 
upper  lakes,  probably  prosecuting  his  traffic,  the 
exclusive  privilege  of  which  was  soon  to  termi- 
nate, and  cementing  his  alliance  with  the  Indian 
tribes. 

Fort  St.  Louis  was  completed,  and  the  best 
understanding  was  kept  up  with  the  Illinois 
Indians,  in  the  midst  of  whose  territory  it  was 
situate.  His  scheme  of  conducting  a  colony 
down  the  Mississippi  was  abandoned,  and  he 
formed  the  more  extensive  one  of  soliciting  the 
government  to  aid  him  in  this  enterprise  on  a 
larger  scale.  Leaving  the  Chevalier  de  Tonty 
in  the  command  at  Fort  St.  Louis,  and  in  the 
general  charge  of  his  interests,  he  departed  for 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  109 

Quebec  in  the  autumn  of  1G83,  sailed  for 
France,  and  landed  at  Rochelle  on  the  13th 
of  December. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

La  Salle  obtains  a  Commission  to  settle  a  Colony 
in  Louisiana.  —  Sails  with  four  Vessels  to  St. 
Domingo,  and  thence  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
—  Discord  between  him  and  the  Commander 
of  the  Squadron. 

The  grand  project,  which  now  absorbed  his 
thoughts,  was  an  expedition  by  sea  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi,  with  such  an  equipage  of 
ships,  colonists,  and  supplies,  as  would  enable  him 
to  explore  his  newly-discovered  country,  and 
to  establish  permanent  settlements.  His  hopes 
rested  on  the  success  he  should  have  in  persuad- 
ing the  ministers  to  adopt  his  plans,  and  furnish 
the  aids  necessary  for  carrying  them  into  effect. 

It  was  soon  apparent,  however,  that  much 
was  to  be  done  before  the  way  could  be  pre- 
pared for  a  reception  of  this  proposal.  His 
enemies  in  Canada  had  spared  no  pains  to  excite 
a  prejudice  in  the  court  against  him,  and  to 
represent   his   cond'uct  and  designs  in  the  most 


110  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

unfavorable  light.  La  Fevre  de  la  Barre,  suc- 
cessor to  the  Count  de  Frontenac  in  the  govern- 
ment of  Canada,  took  the  lead  in  makins:  these 
representations.  Jealous  of  the  friends  of  his 
predecessor,  and  willing  to  thwart  the  measures 
he  had  set  on  foot,  La  Barre  listened  compla- 
cently to  all  the  tales  that  were  told,  either  to 
his  disadvantage  or  to  that  of  his  supporters. 
While  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  was  yet  in  the  Illi- 
nois country,  after  his  return  from  the  Missis- 
sippi, the  governor  wrote  to  the  minister,  that 
the  imprudence  of  La  Salle  had  kindled  a  war 
between  the  French  and  the  L'oquois,  that  his 
pretended  discovery  was  of  little  account,  that 
his  designs  were  suspicious,  and  that  the  reports 
of  Father  Zenobe  should  be  received  with  dis- 
trust. This  insidious  letter  v/as  despatched  by 
the  fleet  in  which  Zenobe  sailed  for  France,  and 
of  course  before  the  new  governor  could  have 
had  any  opportunity  to  gain  a  correct  knowledge 
of  the  designs,  transactions,  or  discoveries,  of  La 
Salle. 

Five  months  afterwards,  in  April,  16S3,  he 
urote  again,  affirming  his  conviction  of  the  false- 
Jiood  of  what  had  been  said  of  the  new  dis- 
coveries, of  which  La  Salle  had  sent  an  account 
to  the  minister  by  the  Recollect  Father,  and 
adding  that  this  voyager  was  then  at  Green  Bay, 
with    some    twenty    vagabond    Frenchmen    and 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  Ill 

savages,  that  he  assumed  the  air  of  a  sovereign, 
pillaged  his  countrymen,  ex})osed  the  people  to 
the  incursions  of  tlie  Iroquois,  and  covered  all 
these  violences  under  the  pretext  of  a  permission 
from  the  king  to  hold  an  exclusive  commerce 
with  the  countries  he  should  discover.  The 
governor  seemed  to  console  himself,  however, 
with  the  remark,  that  his  privilege  would  cease 
in  a  month,  when  he  would  be  obliged  to  come 
to  Quebec,  where  his  creditors,  to  whom  he  owed 
more  than  thirty  thousand  crowns,  impatiently 
waited   his  return. 

"  Such  is  the  lot  of  those  men,"  says  Charle- 
voix, "  whom  a  mixture  of  great  faults  and  great 
virtue's  lifts  above  the  common  sphere.  Their 
passions  betray  them  into  errors,  and,  if  they  do 
what  others  cannot  do,  their  enterprises  are  not 
approved  by  all  men ;  their  success  excites  the 
jealousy  of  those,  who  remain  in  obscurity  ;  their 
acts  prove  beneficial  to  some,  and  injurious  to 
others  ;  the  latter  take  revenge  by  decrying 
them  without  moderation  ;  the  former  exagger- 
ate their  merit.  Hence  the  different  portraits 
which  are  drawn,  and  of  which  none  is  an  exact 
resemblance ;  and  as  hatred  and  the  habit  of 
evil  speaking  are  more  prevalent  than  gratitude 
and  friendship,  and  as  calumny  finds  an  easier 
access  to  the  public  ear  than  conmiendation  and 
praise,  the  portrait  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  was 


112  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

more  disfigured  by  his  enemies  than  embelUshed 
by  his  friends."  * 

The  representations  of  M.  de  la  Barre,  upon 
whatever  foundation  in  truth  they  may  have 
rested,  and  there  appears  to  have  been  httle,  did 
not  answer  the  end  he  expected.  La  Salle  was 
now  present,  aided  by  his  steady  friends  Fronte- 
nac  and  Zenobe,  to  make  his  own  statements  and 
support  his  own  cause.  His  early  and  constant 
patron,  Colbert,  had  died  a  few  months  before, 
but  his  son,  Seignelay,  was  still  a  Secretary  of 
State  and  Minister  of  the  Marine.  He  saw  at 
once  the  glory  that  must  redound  to  France  by 
setding  with  Frenchmen  a  country  half  as  large 
as  Europe.  Whatever  he  might  think  of  the 
faults  of  La  Salle's  temper  and  disposition,  he 
confided  in  his  talents,  integrity,  expanded  views, 
determined  resolution,  and  prodigious  enterprise  ; 
he  acceded  to  his  proposals,  and  gained  for  them 
the  approbation  of  the  court  and  tlio  king. 

It  was  decided  that  an  expedition  should  be 
fitted  out,  for  which  the  government  would  pro- 
vid(i  vessels,  troops,  munitions,  and  such  other 
supplies  as  were  wanted  ;  the  whole  to  be  under 
llie  command  of  tlie  Sieur  do  la  Salle.  A  new 
commission  was  granted  to  him,  with  all  the 
powers  necessary  for    the    object.     He    was   au- 

*  Hisloire  de  la  N'ouvelle  France^  Chap.  X. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  113 

thorized  to  establish  colonies  in  Louisiana ;  and 
the  immense  country  and  all  its  inhabitants  from 
Lake  Michigan  to  the  borders  of  Mexico  were 
subjected  to  his  orders.  These  large  pov/ers 
imply  an  extraordinary  degree  of  confidence  in 
the  ability  and  character  of  the  man  to  whom 
they  were  intrusted.  The  commander  of  the 
squadron  was  to  be  under  his  direction,  except 
in  the  business  of  navigating  the  ships  at  sea,^ 
till  they  arrived  in  America,  and  to  assist  him  in 
making  preparations  for  the  voyage. 

Four  vessels  of  different  dimensions  were  se- 
lected and  put  in  readiness  at  Rochelle  and 
Rochefort.  The  largest  of  these  was  the  Joly, 
a  frigate  of  thirty-six  guns,  commanded  by  Beau- 
jeu,  who  was  hkewise  the  commander  of  the 
squadron.  The  second  was  called  the  Belle,, 
which  carried  six  guns,  and  had  been  given  to 
the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  by  the  king.  The  third 
was  a  ship  of  about  three  hundred  tons'  burden, 
called  the  Aimable,  which  belonged  to  a  mer- 
chant of  Rochelle,  and  on  board  of  which  were 
the  implements,  goods,  and  other  effects,  deenied 
necessary  for  a  new  settlement.  The  fourth  w^as 
the  St.  Francis,'  a  small  vessel,  in  which  were 
contained  thirty  tons  of  munitions  and  merchan- 
dise for  St.  Domingo. 

The  whole  number  of  persons,  who  embarked 

VOL     I.  8 


114  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

in  these  vessels,  including  the  seamen  and  one 
hundred  soldiers,  was  about  two  hundred  and 
eighty.  The  high  expectation  entertained  of  the 
success  of  this  enterprise  prompted  several  re- 
spectable individuals  to  join  it  as  volunteers, 
among  whom  were  IMoranget  and  Cavelier, 
nephews  of  La  Salle,  the  latter  only  fourteen 
years  old,  Planterose,  Thibault,  Ory,  and  also 
Joutel,  who  had  served  sixteen  years  in  the 
army,  and  who  has  since  been  known  as  the 
historian  of  the  expedition.  These  persons  and 
a  few  others  were  from  Rouen,  the  native  town 
of  La  Salle.  A  Canadian  gentleman,  by  the 
name  of  Talon,  and  his  family,  and  also  some 
other  families,  consisting  of  men  and  young 
women,  increased  the  number  of  volunteers  to 
about  thirty. 

The  missionary  force  was  strong,  being  four 
Recollect  Fathers,  Zenobe  Membre,  Anastase 
Douay,  Maxime  Le  Clercq,  and  Denis  Marquet ; 
and  also  three  priests,  Cavelier,  the  brother  of 
La  Salle,  Chefdcville,  his  relation,  and  Majulle. 
At  the  head  of  the  mission  was  Father  Zenobe, 
whose  experience  and  character  eminently  quali- 
hcd  him  for  this  station.  After  their  arrival  in 
America,  some  of  them  were  to  remain  in  the 
new  colony,  and  others  to  pursue  their  vocation 
among  the  Indians.      On    the    first   day    of  the 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  115 

voyage,  however,  Marquct  was  so  ill  that  he  was 
set  on  shore  and  left  behind.* 

The  selection  of  the  soldiers,  artisans,  and 
laborers,  was  intrusted  to  agents  at  Rochelle  and 
Rochefort,  who  seem  to  have  discharged  their 
trust  in  a  most  faithless  and  reprehensible  man- 
ner. It  was  extremely  important  that  every  man 
should  be  of  good  character,  and  competent  to 
fulfil  his  duties.  But  the  soldiers  were  an 
assemblage  of  vagabonds  and  beggars  from  the 
streets,  some  of  whom  had  never  handled  a 
musket.  Special  orders  had  been  given,  that 
workmen  should  be  engaged,  who  were  skilled 
in  the  several  mechanic  arts,  three  or  four  for 
each  ;  but  many  of  them  proved,  upon  trial  after- 
wards, to  be  totally  ignorant  of  the  trades  in 
which  they  were  to  be  employed.  This  de- 
ception in  the  choice  of  the  soldiers  and  work- 
men, though  remedied  in  part  by  La  Salle  be- 
fore his  departure,  was  most  unfortunate  in  the 
result,  and  was  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  the 
disastrous  failure  of  the  enterprise. 

But  the  most  serious  misfortune  of  all  was 
the  disagreement  between  the  two  commanders. 
Beaujeu  was  a  sensitive,  querulous,  troublesome 
man,  of  small  mind  and  narrow  conceptions,  and 

*  JMaxime  Le  Clercq  had  resided  five  years  as  a  mis- 
sionary in  Canada.  He  is  not  the  same  as  the  auUior 
heretofore  quoted,  whose  name  was  Chretien  Le  Clercq. 


116  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

possessing  a  most  exalted  opinion  of  liis  conse- 
quence as  an  officer  of  the  king's  navy.  La 
Salle  was  reserved,  keeping  secret  the  tenor  of 
his  commission  and  instructions,  making  no  ex 
planations  to  Beaujeu,  and  seeming  indifferent 
w^hether  this  captain  indulged  himself  in  a  good 
or  ill  humor.  Two  such  men  were  the  last  in 
the  world  to  be  united  in  promoting  a  common 
object. 

The  Sieur  de  la  Salle  arrived  at  Rochelle  on 
the  28th  of  May,  16S4,  for  the  purpose  of  su- 
perintending the  preparations.  He  found  Beau- 
jeu there,  who  began  to  unfold  his  griefs  in  a 
letter  to  the  minister  two  days  afterwards. 

"  You  have  ordered  me,  Sir,"  he  writes,  "  to 
afford  to  this  enterprise  every  facihty  in  my 
power.  This  order  I  shall  execute  as  far  as 
possible ;  but  permit  me  to  take  great  credit 
to  myself  for  consenting  to  obey  the  orders  of 
the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  whom  I  believe  to  be  a 
worthy  man,  but  who  has  never  served  in  war 
except  against  savages,  and  who  has  no  military 
rank  ;  whereas  I  have  been  thirteen  years  captain 
of  a  vessel,  and  served  thirty  years  by  sea  and 
land.  Moreover,  he  tells  me,  that,  in  case  of  his 
death,  the  command  is  to  devolve  on  the  Clieva- 
lier  de  Tonty.  This  is  certainly  very  hard  for 
me  to  bear,  for  although  I  am  not  now  ac- 
quainted with  the  country,  yet  I  must  be  a  dull 


ROBERT     DE    LA     SALLE.  117 

man  indeed  not  to  obtain  an  adequate  knowledge 
of  it  in  a  month  after  my  arrival.  I  beseech 
you,  therefore,  so  far  to  give  me  a  share  in  the 
command,  that  they  shall  undertake  no  operation 
of  war  without  consulting  me.  Of  their  com- 
mercial affairs  I  do  not  pretend  to  have  any 
knowledge.  I  believe  such  an  arrangement  im- 
portant to  the  king's  service.  If  we  should  be 
attacked  by  the  Spaniards,  I  am  persuaded  that 
men,  who  have  never  commanded  in  war,  could 
not  resist  them,  nor  secure  the  advantages  which 
another  could  do,  who  had  been  instructed  by 
occasions  and  experience."  * 

We  here  discover  a  source  of  dissatisfaction, 
which  could  hardly  fail  to  generate  continual 
discords  and  complaints.  Three  weeks  later  the 
captain  wrote  from  Rochefort  as  follows. 

"  The  Joly  is  now  prepared  for  sea,  and  I 
hope  to  sail  down  the  river  to-morrow.  It  re- 
mains for  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  to  depart  when- 
ever he  is  ready.  We  have  six  months'  provis- 
ions for  one  hundred  soldiers,  and  eight  months' 
for  sixty  sailors.  We  could  put  no  more  on 
board.  The  Sieur  de  la  Salle  has  said  nothing 
to  me  of  his  designs,  and,  as  he  is  constantly 
changing  his   plans,   I   know  not  whether   these 

*  Beaujeu's  letters  have  never  been  printed.  The  ex- 
tracts here  given  are  translated  from  the  originals,  con- 
tained in  the  archives  of  the  Marine  Department  at  Paris. 


118  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

provisions  will  be  enough  for  the  enterprise.  He 
is  so  jealous,  and  so  fearful  that  some  one  may 
penetrate  his  secrets,  that  I  have  refrained  from 
asking  him  questions.  He  was  offended  because 
I  inquired  where  we  should  find  a  pilot,  who  has 
been  on  the  coast  to  which  we  are  bound,  and 
he  has  not  yet  given  me  any  light  on  this  subject. 
His  suspicions  are  such,  that  he  told  me  it  would 
be  necessary  to  prevent  any  one  from  taking  the 
latitude  of  the  coasts,  and  he  was  displeased 
when  I  replied,  that  I  would  keep  my  instru- 
ments under  my  own  control,  but  that  it  would 
be  impossible  to  prevent  others  from  ascertaining 
the  sun's  altitude,  since  it  could  be  done  with  a 
cross-staff  made  of  two  sticks. 

"  I  have  already  informed  you  how  disagreea- 
ble it  is  for  me  to  be  under  the  orders  of  the 
Sieur  de  la  Salle,  who  has  no  military  rank.  I 
shall  obey  him,  however,  without  repugnance,  if 
you  send  me  positive  orders  to  that  effect ;  but  I 
desire  that  they  may  be  of  such  a  kind,  that  he 
cannot  impute  to  me  any  fault,  in  case  he  should 
fail  to  execute  what  he  has  undertaken.  I  am 
induced  to  say  this,  because  he  has  intimated 
that  some  persons  have  been  suborned  by  his 
enemies  to  use  their  endeavors  to  defeat  his  en- 
terprise. I  wish  also  that  you  would  inform  me 
what  is  to  be  done  in  regard  to  the  soldiers,  for 
he  pretends  that  on  our  arrival  they  are  to  be  put 


no BERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  119 

under  his  charge ;  but  my  instructions  do  not 
authorize  this  pretence,  since  I  am  to  afford  all 
tlie  succors  in  my  power,  without  endangering 
the  safety  and  navigation  of  the  vessel.  Now,  it 
is  evident  tliat  with  seventy  men  I  can  neither 
defend  nor  navigate  safely  the  Joly,  a  ship  of 
thirty-six  guns.  By  the  second  article  of  my 
instructions,  I  am  intrusted  only  with  the  ma- 
noeuvres of  the  vessel  at  sea,  which  is  likely  to 
breed  a  schism  between  him  and  me,  for,  in  case 
of  an  attack,  he  may  pretend  to  command  the 
sailors  as  well  as  the  soldiers." 

This  letter  was  written  more  than  a  month  be- 
fore the  departure  of  the  squadron,  and  yet  there 
was  no  change  in  the  instructions.  The  minis- 
ter probably  thought  that  these  points  should  be 
settled  between  the  commanders  themselves ;  and 
so  they  might  have  been,  if  their  interests  had 
been  the  same,  and  if  they  had  cherished  a  mu- 
tual spirit  of  accommodation.  Unhappily  this 
spirit  did  not  exist,  and  the  natural  consequences 
followed. 

The  four  vessels  sailed  from  Rochelle  on  the 
24th  of  July.  They  had  not  gone  more  than 
fifty  leagues  to  sea,  when  the  bowsprit  of  the 
Joly  was  broken,  and  they  all  returned  to  the 
River  of  Rochefort  for  repairs.  The  bowsprit 
being  replaced  by  a  new  one,  they  put  to  sea 
again  on  the   1st  of  August,  bound  for  St.  Do- 


120  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY 

mingo.  At  the  end  of  twenty  days  they  descried 
the  Island  of  Madeira,  where  Beaujeu  proposed 
to  anchor  and  take  in  water  and  refreshments. 
La  Salle  refused  his  consent,  on  the  ground  that 
they  had  plentiful  supplies  on  board,  and  that  to 
stop  here  would  cause  an  unnecessary  delay,  and 
expose  the  designs  of  the  voyage  to  the  risk  of 
being  discovered  by  the  Spaniards. 

This  refusal  occasioned  not  only  the  displeas- 
ure of  the  captain,  but  the  dissatisfaction  and 
itiurmurs  of  the  other  officers  and  of  the  men 
On  the  6th  of  September,  another  incident  oc- 
curred, which  tended  to  widen  the  breach  be- 
tween the  two  commanders.  They  had  reached 
the  Tropic,  and  the  sailors  were  preparing  for 
the  usual  ceremony  of  plunging  in  a  tub  of  water 
all  those  who  had  not  before  crossed  the  line. 
The  Sieur  de  la  Salle  gave  a  positive  order  that 
none  of  his  men  should  be  required  to  submit  to 
this  absurd  folly,  and  thereby  drew  upon  himself 
the  ill  will  of  the  subordinate  officers  and  sailors 
who  expected  good  cheer  and  bountiful  gifts  from 
so  large  a  number  of  persons,  as  a  compromise 
on  their  part  for  having  the  ceremony  performed 
in  as  gentle  a  manner  as  the  rules  would  allow. 
The  captain  was  obliged  to  sustain  this  order,  but 
the  odium  of  it  fell  upon  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle. 

The  voyage  was  prosperous  till  they  approached 
the  Island   of  St.  Domingo,  when  there  was  a 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  121 

storm  and  foul  weatlier,  and  the  vessels  were 
separated  from  each  other.  It  had  been  agreed 
that  the  Joly  should  put  into  Port  de  Paix,  in 
the  north  part  of  the  island ;  but  Beaujcu  seems 
to  have  changed  this  plan  of  his  own  accord, 
for  he  sailed  round  the  western  end  of  the  island, 
and  landed  far  south,  at  Petit  Gouave,  on  the 
28th  of  September.  Four  days  afterwards,  the 
Belle  and  Aimable  came  in ;  but  the  little  bark 
St.  Francis  was  taken  by  the  Spaniards.  This 
loss  was  severely  felt,  as  the  cargo  consisted  of 
articles  important  to  the  expedition. 

The  Sieur  de  la  Salle  went  immediately  on 
shore  to  provide  refreshments  and  accommoda- 
tions for  the  sick,  who  were  landed  and  put  un- 
der the  care  of  Joutel  and  the  surgeons.  It  was 
necessary,  also,  for  him  to  see  M.  de  Cussy,  the 
Governor  of  St.  Domingo,  and  M.  Begon,  the  In- 
tendant,  who  were  required  by  instructions  from 
the  minister  to  render  him  such  assistance  as  was 
requisite  for  advancing  the  objects  of  his  voyage. 
Unfortunately  these  officers  were  at  Port  de  Paix. 
He  wrote  to  them,  and  requested  that,  if  possi- 
ble, they  would  meet  him  at  Petit  Gouave,  since 
it  was  not  in  his  power  to  leave  the  squadron. 
Meantime  he  was  taken  ill  of  a  fever,  which 
increased  to  such  a  degree  of  violence,  that  his 
life  was  despaired  of.  The  state  of  his  affairs  at 
this  time   may  be  understood  by  the  contents  of 


122  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

another  letter  from  Beaujeu  to  the  minister,  dated 
the  20th  of  October. 

"  Were  it  not  for  the  maladv  of  the  Sieur  de 
la  Salle,"  he  says,  *'I  should  have  no  occasion  to 
render  to  you  an  account  of  our  voyage,  since  I 
am  charged  only  with  the  navigation,  and  he 
with  the  secret;  but  his  illness  obliges  me  to 
inform  you  of  the  situation  in  which  we  are  now 
placed." 

He  proceeds  to  give  an  account  of  the  voyage, 
in  which  he  complains  that  his  wishes  were 
always  thwarted,  that  two  of  the  vessels  were 
wretched  sailers,  and  that  the  Joly  was  so  much 
filled  with  merchandise  and  baggage  between 
the  decks,  that  the  men  had  fallen  sick  for  the 
want  of  air  and  accommodations;  and  he  then 
adds, 

"  At  last  we  arrived  here,  almost  all  sick ;  and 
the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  himself  has  been  attacked 
by  a  violent  fever,  which  the  surgeons  think  will 
be  long  and  dangerous,  afiecting  not  more  his 
body  than  his  mind.  A  few  days  after  he  was 
taken  ill,  M.  Cavelier,  his  brother,  came  to  me, 
and  requested  that  I  would  take  charge  of  his 
affairs ;  but  I  excused  myself,  because  I  knew 
that,  when  restored  to  health,  he  would  not 
approve  what  I  had  done,  for  I  have  often  heard 
him  say,  that  he  was  not  obliged  to  any  one  for 
meddling  in  his  concerns,  or  speaking  of  them. 


ROBERT     PE     LA     SALLE.  123 

He  told  me,  however,  that  it  was  absolutely 
necessary  to  procure  subsistence  for  the  men 
with  the  goods  on  board  the  Aimable  and  Belle, 
and  I  gave  orders  for  that  purpose,  established 
the  rations,  and  appointed  a  commissary  for  their 
distribution. 

"  It  is  said  that  the  Spaniards  have  in  these 
seas  six  men-of-war,  each  carrying  sixty  guns. 
However  this  may  be,  or  whatever  may  happen, 
I  will  carry  home  to  you  intelligence  of  the 
Mississippi,  or  perish  in  the  attempt.  It  is  true, 
if  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  should  not  recover,  I 
shall  pursue  different  measures  from  those  he  has 
adopted,  which  I  do  not  approve.  Nor  can  I 
comprehend  how  a  man  should  dream  of  settling 
a  country,  surrounded  by  Spaniards  and  Indians, 
with  a  company  of  workmen  and  women,  instead 
of  soldiers.  But  I  shall  undertake  nothing  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  governor  and  intendant, 
whose  counsels  I  shall  follow. 

"  If  you  will  permit  me  to  express  my  opinion, 
the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  ought  to  have  contented 
himself  with  the  discovery  of  his  river,  without 
attempting  to  conduct  three  vessels  and  troops 
across  the  ocean,  in  so  many  different  climates, 
and  through  seas  utterly  unknown  to  him.  I 
agree  that  he  is  a  man  of  learning,  who  has  read 
much,  and  has  some  knowledge  of  navigation ; 
but  there  is  so  great  a  difference  between  theory 


124  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

and  practice,  that  the  man  who  possesses  only 
the  former  will  always  deceive  himself.  The 
ability  to  transport  canoes  through  lakes  and 
rivers  is  also  very  different  from  that,  which  is 
required  to  conduct  vessels  and  troops  over  re- 
mote seas.  Pardon  this  little  digression,  which 
I  have  thought  it  necessary  to  make  in  my  own 
justification,  because  I  am  aware  that  I  have 
been  represented  to  you  as  a  man  full  of  diffi- 
culties ;  but  I  would  only  provide  for  whatevei 
may  happen,  whereas  they  who  make  everything 
easy  never  know  what  to  expect." 

By  this  extract,  and  those  preceding,  we 
perceive  all  the  troubles  of  this  captain  to 
centre  in  one  point,  the  mortification  of  being 
under  the  orders  of  a  man  who  had  no  military 
rank.  Why  did  he  accept  the  command,  the 
terms  of  which  he  perfectly  understood,  and 
then  give  himself  up  to  perpetual  heart-burnings, 
and  seize  every  possible  occasion  to  vent  his 
complaints,  and  to  embarrass  the  measures  which 
it  was  his  duty  as  an  officer  to  support  ?  La 
Salle's  great  fault  consisted  in  not  comprehend- 
ing or  regarding  the  delicacy  of  his  situation, 
and  endeavoring  to  soothe  his  sensitive  temper 
by  more  condescension  and  frankness  of  man- 
ners ;  in  not  reposing  confidence  in  a  man, 
whose  cordial  cooperation  was  absolutely  essen- 
tial to  the  success  of  his  enterprise. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALL'^.  125 

The  governor  and  intendant  came  to  Petit 
Gouave,  and  in  three  weeks'  time  the  Sieur 
de  la  Salle  had  gained  sufficient  strength  to 
make  the  arrangements  with  them  for  pursuing 
his  voyage.  The  proper  stores  of  provisions 
were  procured  and  laid  in ;  and  domestic  ani- 
mals, suited  for  settling  a  colony,  were  put  on 
board.  Consultations  were  held  with  competent 
pilots  concerning  the  navigation  of  the  West 
India  seas  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  It  was 
resolved  to  steer  to  the  south  of  the  Island  of 
Cuba,  and  touch  at  Cape  St.  Anthony,  its  western 
extremity.  He  was  the  more  anxious  to  depart, 
as  his  motley  company  of  soldiers  were  licentious 
and  disorderly ;  some  died  of  diseases  contracted 
in  the  island,  and  others  deserted. 

In  the  voyage  from  France,  the  Joly  had  taken 
the  lead  of  the  squadron,  but  the  Aimable,  being 
the  heaviest  sailer  of  the  three,  was  now  placed 
in  front,  and  the  others  were  to  be  guided 
by  her  motions.  Some  of  the  passengers  were 
transferred  from  the  Joly  to  the  Aimable,  among 
whom  were  La  Salle  himself.  Fathers  Zenobe 
and  Anastase,  Cavelier,  Chefdeville,  and  Joutel. 
The  two  commanders  were  thus  separated,  which, 
under  the  circumstances,  was  undoubtedly  an 
important  change,  since  it  seems  to  have  become 
a  settled  point  that  they  could  not  respect  each 


126  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Other,  nor  act  together  in  harmony.  They  all 
sailed  from  Petit  Gouave  on  the  25th  of  No- 
vember. 


CHAPTEPv  X. 


The  Vessels  make  the  Land  at  the    Westward  of 

the  Mississippi.  —  The    Colonists  go  ashore  at 

the  Bay  of  St.  Bernard,  and  build  a  Fort.  — 

La  Salle  explores  the   Bay  ivith   the  Hope   of 

finding  one  of  the  Mouths  of  the  Mississippi, 

Parting  from  St.  Domingo,  they  coasted  along 
the  southern  shore  of  Cuba,  at  one  time  standing 
to  the  south  till  they  saw  the  Cayman  Islands, 
and  then  turning  northward  to  seek  for  the  Isle 
of  Pines.  Here  they  cast  anchor,  and  remained 
three  days.  They  embarked  again,  and,  after 
beating  for  some  time  against  a  head  wind,  they 
weatliered  Cape  Corrientes,  and  on  the  12th  of 
December  came  to  anchor  at  Cape  St.  Anthony. 

The  Gulf  of  Mexico  now  lay  before  them, 
and,  staying  there  one  night  only,  they  set  sail, 
and  turned  their  prows  in  a  northwesterly  direc- 
tion. Contrary  winds  drove  them  back,  and  de- 
tained them  four  days  longer  at  Cape  St.  Anthony, 
which  time   they  employed   in  filling  the   water- 


\ 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  127 

casks.  The  v/ind  and  weather  becoming  favor- 
able, the  sails  were  spread,  and  a  northwest 
course  was  taken,  as  before.  The  sky  was 
for  the  most  part  cloudless,  and  there  were  op- 
portunities for  frequent  observations  ;  but  un- 
fortunately the  latitude  of  the  coasts  was  so 
imperfectly  known,  that  these  observations,  how- 
ever accurate,  could  be  turned  to  litde  account. 
By  some  rude  instrument  La  Salle  had  observed 
the  elevation  of  the  pole  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  had  made  the  latitude  full  two 
degrees  too  far  south. 

After  eight  days'  sailing,  however,  it  was 
certain  that  they  could  not  be  far  from  land. 
At  length  soundings  were  found,  and  the  Belle, 
being  the  smallest  of  the  three  vessels,  was  sent 
ahead,  and  on  the  tenth  day  a  signal  from  her 
mast  gave  notice  that  land  was  in  sight.  At  the 
same  time,  a  sailor  from  the  mast-head  of  the 
Aim^ble  saw  land  bearing  northeast,  at  the 
distance  of   six   leagues. 

No  one  could  tell,  or  conjecture  with  any 
degree  of  certainty,  on  what  part  of  the  coast 
they  had  arrived.  It  was  finally  agreed,  that 
they  must  be  in  the  Bay  of  Appalachie,  which 
is  nearly  three  hundred  miles  east  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, and  far  to  the  eastward  of  the  meridian  of 
Cape  St.  Anthony.  As  they  had  all  the  while 
been  steering  to  the  west  of  north,  it  would  seem 


1!<J8  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

strange  that  they  should  come  to  such  a  conclu 
sion.  But  La  Salle  and  Beaujeu  had  been  tok 
in  St.  Domingo,  by  pilots  who  professed  to  have 
a  knowledge  of  the  navigation  of  the  gulf,  that 
a  stronsr  current  set  at  all  times  towards  the 
Bahama  Channel,  around  the  Cape  of  Florida, 
and  they  now  supposed  themselves  to  have  been 
wafted  much  farther  eastward  by  this  current, 
than  was  accounted  for  by  the  ships'  reckoning. 
This  decision  was  fatal,  for  they  were  actually  at 
the  westward  of  the  main  stream  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, probably  not  less  than  a  hundred  miles, 
and  near  the  Achafalaya  Bay ;  but  even  at  this 
place,  if  they  had  landed,  they  could  not  have 
failed  to  find  one  of  the  western  branches  of 
the  Mississippi. 

In  conformity  with  this  decision,  it  was  deter- 
mined to  coast  along  to  the  west,  with  the  ex- 
pectation of  finding  the  mouths  of  the  Missis- 
sippi. On  the  1st  of  January,  16S5,  La  ^alle 
landed  in  a  boat  at  the  head  of  a  few  men,  but 
without  making  any  discovery,  and,  at  the  end 
of  nine  days,  so  much  was  he  bewildered  that 
he  still  thought  himself  in  the  Appalachie  Bay, 
on  the  coast  of  Florida.  He  held  intercourse 
with  some  of  the  savages  who  came  on  board, 
but  no  knowledge  could  be  gained  from  them. 
At  length,  twenty  days  after  the  first  discovery 
of  land,  it  was  ascertained,  by  the  change  of  lati- 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  129 

tude^  that  the  coast  was  tending  towards  the 
south.  The  delusion  now  vanished,  and  it  was 
obvious  that  he  was  approaching  the  borders  of 
Mexico,  near  the  Magdalen  River,  and  the  Bay 
of  Espiritu  Santo.  Yet  he  cherished  the  vain 
hope,  that  some  branch  of  the  Mississippi  might 
empty  itself  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  not  far 
from  this  place. 

For  the  purpose  of  observing  the  country,  and 
searching  for  fresh  water,  Joutel,  with  a  party  of 
men,  was  set  on  shore.  They  found  only  salt 
water ;  the  soil  was  barren  and  sandy ;  they  saw 
a  herd  of  deer,  and  killed  many  ducks  and  wild 
turkeys.  La  Salle  himself  was  preparing  to  land 
and  reconnoitre,  when  the  Joly  came  in  sight, 
which  detained  him  on  board.  She  had  been 
separated  from  the  other  two  vessels  sixteen  days, 
having  kept  at  sea  to  avoid  the  shoals.  The 
lieutenant  came  on  board  the  Aimable,  with  a  ^ 
harsh  message  from  the  captain,  in  which  he 
complained  that  he  had  been  left  behind  by  de- 
sign. This  was  not  true,  for  the  Joly  was  the 
best  sailer,  and  was  ahead  when  she  was  last 
seen.  It  is  evident,  from  what  had  already 
passed,  that  Reaujeu  cared  little  whether  he 
kept  company  with  the  other  vessels  or  not, 
and  that  he  followed  his  own  choice  in  standing 
farther  out  to  sea.  This  new  misunderstanding 
between    the    two    commanders    tended   only    to 

VOL.    I.  9 


130  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

throw  aaditional  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the 
enterprise.  They  met  very  rarely  afterwards. 
The  business  relating  to  the  Joly  was  transacted 
between  La  Salle  and  Beaujeu's  lieutenant. 

As  all  the  officers  were  now  satisfied  that  they 
had  gone  much  too  far  westward,  there  was  a 
discussion  as  to  the  expediency  of  retracing  their 
course,  and  seeking  again  for  the  Mississippi. 
This  was  the  desire  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  and 
he  proposed  it  to  Beaujeu,  who  demanded  a  new 
supply  of  provisions  before  he  would  undertake 
the  voyage.  He  was  offered  enough  for  fifteen 
days,  within  which  time  the  Mississippi  might  be 
discovered ;  but  this  offer  he  would  not  accept. 
The  discussion  ran  into  a  dispute,  which  con- 
tinued for  some  time ;  but  La  Salle  would  not 
comply  with  Beaujeu's  demands,  because  he  sus- 
pected, and  with  apparent  justice,  that  he  would 
sail  away  for  the  AVest  Lidies,  and  leave  him 
without  fulfilling  his  promise.  Whether  he  did 
not  cross  his  own  designs,  and  hasten  his  fate,  by 
standing  so  rigidly  upon  these  points,  it  would  be 
fruitless  now  to  inquire.  He  probably  thought, 
from  v/hat  he  knew  of  Beaujeu's  character  and 
conduct,  that  the  last  hope  of  a  compromise 
had  fled. 

In  tlie  mean  time,  the  vessels  returned  twenty 
or  thirty  miles  along  the  coast,  till  the}  came  to 
the  outlet  of  the  Bay  of  St.  Bernard,  not  then 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  131 

known  to  La  Salle,  and  named  by  him  St.  Louis, 
but  which  is  now  called  Matagorda  Bay,  in  the 
southwestern  corner  of  Texas.  The  soldiers  and 
others,  except  the  ships'  crews,  were  landed 
near  the  entrance  of  the  bav,  on  the  west  side, 
and  were  regaled  to  their  hearts'  content  with  the 
fresh  provisions  afforded  by  the  deer,  wild  fowl, 
and  fish,  which  were  found  in  abundance.  Near 
this  place  was  established  the  first  encampment. 
A  temporary  camp  for  a  part  of  the  company  was 
likewise  formed  at  a  considerable  distance  far- 
ther up  the  bay,  on  a  point  of  land  called  Point 
Hurier,  from  the  name  of  the  oflicer  who  com- 
manded there.  An  exploring  party  was  sent  out, 
under  the  command  of  Joutel  and  Moragnet,  with 
orders  to  proceed  along  the  shore  around  the 
western  end  of  the  bay.  After  three  days'  march, 
they  were  stopped  by  a  river,  which  they  could 
not  cross  without  a  boat.  The  vessels  on  tlie 
other  side  of  the  bay  were  in  full  view,  and  the 
Sieur  de  la  Salle  crossed  over  in  a  boat,  ^nd  met 
the  explorers  at  this  place. 

He  had  already  given  orders  for  the  outlet  of 
the  bay  to  be  sounded,  with  the  design  of  bring- 
ing in  the  Aimable  and  Belle,  if  the  depth  of 
water  should  prove  sufficient.  There  were  two 
channels,  and  an  island  between  them.  The 
pilots  reported  favorably,  and  set  up  signals  on 
the  shoals.     The  cannon,  and  some  other  heavy 


132  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

articles,  were  taken  out  of  the  Aimable,  and  the 
captain  was  directed  to  run  licr  into  the  bay. 
The  pilot  of  the  Belle,  who  knew  the  channel, 
was  sent  to  his  assistance,  but  he  refused  to  ad- 
mit him  on  board,  and  said  he  could  manage  his 
own  ship.  He  hoisted  the  sails,  and  in  a  short 
time  contrived  to  run  her  upon  a  shoal,  where 
she  bilged,  and  could  not  be  removed.  The 
boat,  which  hung  at  the  stern,  was  also  mali- 
ciously staved  in  pieces.  Some  part  of  the  cargo 
was  saved,  but  the  larger  and  most  valuable  por- 
tion was  lost.  Beaujeu  must  have  the  credit  of 
allowing  his  boats  to  be  employed  in  this  service. 
On  one  occasion,  when  a  boat  was  dashed  against 
the  side  of  the  wreck  by  the  violence  of  the 
waves.  Father  Zenobe  was  plunged  into  the  sea, 
and  was  rescued  by  a  rope,  which  he  caught  from 
the  hand  of  a  sailor  standing  on  the  deck. 

This  loss  was  the  more  to  be  deplored,  as  the 
vessel  contained  nearly  all  the  implements  and 
tools  intended  for  establishing  the  colony.  The 
circumstances  were  such,  says  Joutel,  that  no  one 
could  doubt  the  disaster  to  have  been  the  effect 
of  a  premeditated  design  of  the  captain,  which 
he  calls,  truly  enough,  one  of  the  blackest  and 
most  detestable  that  could  be  conceived  in  the 
heart  of  man. 

When  this  accident  happened,  the  Sieur  de  la 
Salle  was  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  bay,  where 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  133 

the  savages  had  already  made  their  appearance, 
and  carried  off  three  men,  while  they  were  em- 
ployed in  cutting  down  a  large  tree,  to  be  formed 
into  a  canoe.  He  went  to  the  village,  and  brought 
back  the  men  without  opposition.  He  also  suc- 
ceeded in  bartering  some  hatchets  with  them  for 
two  canoes,  which  he  very  much  w^anted ;  and  it 
.may  here  be  observed,  that  he  seems  to  have 
possessed  a  deep  knowledge  of  the  character  of 
savages,  and  an  extraordinary  power  over  their 
minds,  for  it  rarely  happened  that  difficulties  be- 
gan when  he  was  personally  present. 

It  would  have  been  fortunate  if  all  his  com- 
panions had  possessed  the  same  knowledge  and 
the  same  power.  We  have  an  instance  in  point 
at  this  time.  A  bale  of  blankets  had  floated 
away  from  the  wreck  of  the  Aimable  to  the 
margin  of  the  lake  on  the  opposite  side.  The 
Indians  picked  it  up,  and,  naturally  enough,  ap- 
propriated the  blankets  to  their  ow^n  use.  He 
thought  it  would  be  a  good  opportunity  to  prevail 
on  them  to  let  him  have  canoes  in  exchange. 
Du  Hamel,  the  second  lieutenant  of  the  Joly, 
offered  to  go  with  a  party  in  his  boat  and  ne 
gotiate  the  affair.  They  landed,  and  marched 
up  to  the  village  in  a  resolute  manner,  with  arms 
in  their  hands,  so  that  the  Indians  knew  not 
whether  to  recfard  them  as  friends  or  enemies. 
Unable    to    make    themselves    understood,    they 


134  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

finally  went  back,  seizing  a  parcel  of  skins 
and  two  canoes  as  booty.  Tlie  Indians  looked 
upon  tliis  act  as  a  declaration  of  war,  pursued 
the  part}',  overtook  them  in  the  night  on  the 
shore  where  they  had  landed  and  gone  to  sleep, 
poured  in  upon  thcni  a  discharge  of  arrows, 
killed  two  and  wounded  two  others,  and  then 
fled,  frightened  at  the  sound  of  a  musket,  fired 
by  one  of  the  men  while  rousing  from  his  slum- 
bers. 

The  Sieur  de  la  Salle  bitterly  lamented  this  ca- 
tastrophe. Ory  and  Deslogcs,  the  men  that  had 
been  slain,  were  volunteers,  whom  he  esteemed 
and  valued  as  friends.  The  event  cast  a  gloom 
over  the  minds  of  all ;  they  were  struck  with  ter- 
ror at  the  thought  of  Indians,  murmured  at  their 
condition,  and  began  to  talk  of  returning  to 
France,  and  abandoning  an  enterprise  so  tliickly 
beset  with  dangers.  If  they  had  been  endowed 
with  the  gift  of  foresight,  their  hearts  might 
well  have  sunk  within  them.  But  the  firm 
spirit  of  La  Salle,  which  never  sank,  or  even 
drooped,  under  any  burden,  sustained  him  now 
as  in  former  trials,  and  his  example  was  a  glean) 
of  encouragement  to  the  desponding,  the  irrcso 
lute,  and  the  faint-hearted. 

Meantime  Beaujeu  was  preparing  to  depart. 
He  nourislied  his  ill  liumor  to  the  last.  The 
cannon    balls    were   all   on   board  the  Joly.     He 


ROBERT    DE     LA     SALLE.  135 

refused  to  take  them  out,  because  he  could  not 
do  it  witliout  removing  some  of  his  cargo.  Eight 
cannon  were  thus  left  for  the  defence  of  the  col- 
ony, and  not  a  single  ball.  Taking  with  him  the 
perfidious  captain  and  the  crew  of  the  Aimable. 
he  set  sail  for  France  on  the  12th  of  March. 

The  whole  number  of  persons  then  remaining 
in  the  colony  is  not  exactly  known.  Joutel 
mentions  one  hundred  and  eighty,  besides  the 
crew  of  the  Belle,  consisting  of  soldiers,  volun- 
teers, workmen,  women,  and  children.  The 
stock  of  provisions  from  the  vessels  was  nearly 
exhausted,  and  their  future  supply  depended 
mainly  on  the  chase.  Fortunately  the  surround- 
ing prairies  were  covered  with  buffaloes,  which 
were  easily  killed  with  their  firearms,  and  which 
furnished  excellent  food ;  the  rivers  abounded 
with  fish ;  the  cattle,  swine,  and  fowls,  which 
they,  had  brought  from  St.  Domingo,  thrived 
and  multiplied ;  and,  after  the  failure  of  one 
experiment  in  a  barren  soil,  they  succeeded  in 
producing  grain  and  vegetables  from  European 
seeds. 

To  provide  a  shelter  for  themselves  and  their 
goods,  and  a  protection  against  the  Indians,  they 
built  a  temporary  fort  on  a  hillock  of  sand,  with 
the  timbers  and  planks  of  the  Aimable,  which 
floated  ashore  after  the  vessel  went  to  pieces, 
and   with    driftwood   from    the    beach.       While 


136  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

this  work  was  in  progress,  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle, 
taking  fifty  men  with  liim,  set  out  on  a  tour  of 
discovery.  He  was  unwilhng  to  relinquish  the 
hope  that  this  bay,  stretching  far  to  the  cast- 
ward,  was  in  fact  one  of  the  mouths  of  the 
Mississippi.  The  captain  of  the  Belle  was 
ordered  to  sound  the  shores  of  the  bay,  and  to 
sail  along  so  as  to  hold  communication  with 
him.  The  fort  was  left  under  the  command 
of  Joutel,  who  was  directed  not  to  have  any 
intercourse  with  the  Indians. 

Accompanied  by  his  brother  Cavelier,  and  by 
Fathers  Zenobe  and  Maxime,  he  began  his 
march,  and  explored  the  country  around  the 
west  end  of  the  bav,  till  he  came  to  a  river  of 
considerable  size,  which  he  called  the  Vaches, 
on  account  of  the  immense  number  of  wild  cows, 
or  buffaloes,  seen  on  its  banks.  The  name  is 
still  retained  in  the  maps.  On  the  western  side 
of  this  river,  six  miles  from  its  entrance  into 
the  bay,  a  place  was  found  which  he  thought  a 
better  situation  for  an  encampment,  than  the 
one  first  selected  on  the  barren  sand-hills  near 
the  sea.  He  therefore  sent  the  Sieur  de  Ville- 
pcrdry  back  across  the  bay  in  a  canoe,  with 
orders  for  all  the  company  to  march  and  join 
him,  except  thirty  men,  who  were  to  remain  in 
the  fort  with  Joutel.  Not  long  afterwards,  these 
men  were  ordered  to  follow.     Stopping  at  Point 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  137 

Hurier,  they  took  witli  tliem  the  party  at  that 
place,  and  about  the  middle  of  July  the  whole 
colony  assembled  at  the  new  encampment  on 
the  River  Vaches. 

The  Indians  had  hovered  about  the  fort  at 
different  times  in  the  night,  how^ling  like  dogs 
and  wolves,  but  had  done  no  mischief.  Two 
men  had  deserted ;  and  the  Sieur  de  Gros,  while 
hunting  snipes  in  a  marsh,  was  bitten  by  a  rattle- 
snake. At  first  the  wound  excited  no  alarm ; 
but  the  leg  gradually  swelled,  till  the  suKgeon 
advised  an  amputation.  A  fever  ensued,  and 
he  lived  but  two  days.  A  conspiracy  was 
likewise  engendered  in  the  fort.  It  was  the 
plan  of  the  conspirators  to  murder  Joutel  and 
others,  and  then  to  run  away  with  such  effects 
as  they  could  carry.  The  plot  was  detected  in 
time  to  prevent    its    execution. 

A  beautiful  spot  had  been  chosen  for  the  new 
encampment.  It  was  on  an  elevation  near  the 
bank  of  the  river.  Vast  plains  stretched  away 
towards  the  west,  covered  with  green  herbage 
and  tufts  of  trees ;  at  the  south  and  east  lay 
the  smooth  waters  of  the  bay,  fringed  with  ver- 
dant borders  ;  and  northward  the  view  extended 
over  a  wide  expanse  of  prairie  grounds,  termi 
nated  in  the  far  distance  by  a  range  of  sloping 
hills  and  lofty  forests.  Such  is  the  description 
of  Joutel ;  and  if  the  charms  of  nature,  fair  skies, 


138  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY. 

and  a  bountiful  clime,  had  been  all  that  was 
needed  to  insure  the  happiness  and  fulfd  the  ex- 
pectations of  tlie  colonists,,  they  might  here  have 
sat  down  contented  with  the  present,  and  cheered 
with  encouraging  hopes  of  the  future.  Bi.it  with 
the  burden  that  now  weighed  upon  their  spirits, 
the  music  of  nature's  harmony  was  discord  in 
their  souls. 

Their  first  care  was  to  erect  a  habitation,  and 
to  surround  it  with  a  new  fort.  This  was  a 
work  of  incredible  labor  and  fatigue.  It  was 
three  miles  to  the  nearest  copse  ^f  wood  in  which 
timber  suited  to  the  purpose  could  be  obtained. 
The  trees  were  cut  and  hewn,  and  then  dragged 
by  the  men  over  grass  and  weeds  through  that 
long  distance  to  the  camp.  The  carriage-wheels 
of  one  of  the  guns  were  used  to  aid  the  opera- 
tion ;  but,  with  all  the  contrivances  that  could 
be  devised,  the  toil  was  extreme,  and  some  of 
the  men  sank  under  it.  When  the  company 
first  assembled  at  the  new  encampment,  several 
of  their  niunber  had  died,  among  whom  was  the 
Sieur  de  Villeperdry,  and  within  a  few  days 
thirty  more  followed  them  to  the  grave.  These 
were  mostly  soldiers,  some  of  whom  had  taken 
diseases  at  St.  Domingo.  The  loss  most  lamented 
was  that  of  the  master-carj)enter,  who  wandered 
from  the  camp,  and  was  never  again  heard  of. 
These  continual   inroads  of  death  cast   a  gloom 


R0  13KRT     DE     LA     SALLE  .  139 

over  the  survivors,  which  depressed  their  spirits 
and  abated  their  energies. 

The  mind  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  sustained 
this  weight  of  •cares  with  its  accustomed  firmness 
and  constancy.  He  neither  spared  himself  in 
the  work,  nor  allowed  the  healthy  and  strong  to 
be  idle.  Taking  the  place  of  the  chief  carpenter, 
he  marked  out  the  tenons  and  mortises,  and  pre- 
pared the  timbers  for  the  workmen.  He  also 
sent  twenty  men  to  bring  away  the  remnants  of 
the  old  fort,  which  was  effected  without  diffi- 
culty by  the  Belle,  and  by  a  raft  towed  at  its 
stern.  The  Vaches  was  navigable  as  high  up 
as  the  new  fort.  The  materials  being  thus 
brought  together,  the  work  went  on  with  more 
speed,  and  it  v/as  soon  in  a  condition  for  shelter 
and  defence.     It  was  named  Fort   St.  Louis. 

These  preparations  being  made,  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  afford  security  to  the  colonists,  his 
next  design  was  to  explore  the  bay,  and  to 
ascertain  whether,  in  any  part,  it  received  a 
branch  of  the  Mississippi.  The  illness  of  his 
brother  detained  him  for  some  time,  during  which 
he  made  short  excursions  for  several  leagues 
around,  merely  to  observe  the  country.  It  was 
not  till  late  in  the  month  of  October  that  he 
was  ready  for  this  tour.  He  then  departed  with 
twenty  men,  leaving  the  fort  and  the  colonists 
under    the    command    of   Joutel.     He   had    also 


140  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

resolved  to  make  use  of  the  Belle  in  this  expedi- 
tion, and  he  ordered  the  captain  to  sail  up  the 
bay,  and  to  station  the  vessel  near  the  western 
shore,  and  remain  there  till  intelligence  should 
be  received  from  liim.  His  clothes,  papers,  and 
other  effects,  were  put  on  board,  as  he  probably 
thought  they  would  be  more  secure  there  than 
in  the  fort. 

A  dischari2re  of  five  cannon  was  the  sicrnal  of 
his  departure.  Crossing  the  River  Vaches,  he 
went  down  to  the  bay  by  land,  and  thence  east- 
ward along  the  shore,  keeping  in  sight  of  two 
or  three  canoes,  which  contained  a  part  of  the 
company.  In  this  way  he  proceeded  to  the  place 
where  the  Belle  was  at  anchor,  and,  wishing  to 
know  how  near  she  could  be  brought  to  the  land, 
he  sent  the  pilot  with  five  men  in  a  canoe  to 
take  soundings.  Night  coming  on,  and  their 
vrork  not  being  yet  done,  these  men  went 
ashore,  kindled  a  fire  to  cook  their  supper,  and 
were  so  careless  in  keeping  guard,  that  the 
savages  fell  upon  them,  and  murdered  every 
man.  Uneasy  at  their  long  absence.  La  Salle 
himself  took  a  canoe,  and  went  in  search  of 
them.  He  found  their  mangled  bodies  stretched 
on  the  gi'ound,  and  half  devoured  by  wild 
beasts. 

He  returned  to  the  Belle,  ordered  the  officers 
to    remain   in  that    place   till    they  should   hear 


ROBERT    DE    LA    SALLE.  141 

from  him,  and  tlien  went  ashore  witli  two 
canoes.  He  caused  the  canoes  to  be  sunk  in 
a  small  creek,  and,  each  man  taking  what  he 
could  in  his  knapsack,  marched  towards  the  east. 
Tn  a  few  days  they  came  to  a  large  river, 
since  known  as  the  Colorado,  which  flows  into 
the  bay,  and  which  they  crossed.  The  particu- 
lars of  this  journey  have  not  been  recorded, 
either  by  Anastase  or  Joutel,  as  neither  of  them 
was  of  the  party.  But  since  its  whole  object 
was  to  discover  one  of  the  mouths  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, which  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  conjectured 
might  fall  into  the  Bay  of  St.  Louis,  it  cannot 
be  doubted  that  he  passed  around  the  eastern 
end  of  the  bay,  and  examined  all  the  rivers, 
so  far  as  to  satisfy  himself  that  his  conjecture 
was  erroneous. 

One  man,  named  Duhaut,  deserted  the  com- 
pany after  they  had  been  several  days  out,  and 
returned  alone  to  the  fort.  He  had  given  offence 
to  the  commander,  and  quarrelled  with  Moragnet, 
his  nephew.  On  other  occasions  he  had  shown 
himself  factious  and  troublesome. 

After  an  absence  of  more  than  four  months. 
La  Salle  was  again  received  with  joy  by  the 
colonists  at  the  fort.  Seven  or  eight  of  his  men 
only  came  with  him.  The  others  had  turned  off 
from  the  track  to  go  and  search  for  the  Belle, 
in  the  place   where  she    had    been    left.     Joutel 


142  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY 

represents  their  first  appearance  as  forlorn  and 
sad ;  their  clothes  ragged,  Cavelier's  short  cas- 
sock hanging  in  tatters,  some  without  hats,  others 
destitute  of  hncn.  The  rest  of  the  party  re- 
turned the  next  day  ;  they  could  not  find  the 
Belle  ;  they  had  searched  in  vain  along  the 
shore  ;  at  the  fort  she  had  not  been  heard  from ; 
and  the  melancholy  conviction  seemed  to  rest 
upon  the  minds  of  all  that  she  was  lost. 


CHAPTER   XL 


First  Journey  towards  the  Illinois.  —  Cenis  In- 
dians. —  La  Salle  talcen  ill  of  a  Fever  near 
the  lied  River.  —  Returtis  to  the  Bay  of  St. 
Bernard.  —  Second  Journey  towards  the  lUi- 
nois.  —  Conspiracy  against  La  Salle.  —  His 
Death. 

Several  days  passed  away,  and,  no  news  of 
the  Belle  having  been  obtained,  the  Sieur  de  la 
Salle  was  more  deeply  impressed  than  ever  with 
the  perplexities  and  perils  of  his  situation. 
Hitherto  his  hopes  had  clung  to  this  vessel,  as 
alVording  tlic  means  of  fmding  tlie  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi  by   sea,  or,   in  the   last  extremity,  of 


ROBERT    DK     LA    SALLE.  143 

procuring  relief  from  St.  Domingo,  and  of  con- 
veying a  knowledge  of  his  distresses  to  France. 
These  hopes  were  now  all  cut  off.  Removed 
nearly  two  thousand  miles  from  any  civilized 
settlement  to  which  he  could  look  for  succors, 
surrounded  on  every  side  by  hostile  savages,  de- 
pending on  chance  for  the  daily  subsistence  of  a 
colony  which  he  w'as  bound  to  sustain  and  pro- 
tect, he  had  no  other  support  left  than  the  strong 
arm  of  a  beneficent  Providence,  no  other  resource 
than  the  unsubdued  energy  of  his  own  resolute 
spirit. 

His  usual  calmness  did  not  forsake  him,  nor 
was  it  a  time  to  indulge  unavailing  regrets.  One 
course  only  remained,  which  was  to  open  a  com- 
munication with  the  Illinois  and  seek  assistance 
from  Tonty,  his  faithful  friend,  who  was  stationed 
there  awaiting  his  orders.  Through  this  channel, 
also,  intelligence  might  be  sent  to  France.  He 
resolved  to  undertake  this  journey,  and  made 
preparations  without  delay.  The  party  consisted 
of  twenty  men,  including  his  brother  Cavelier, 
Father  Anastase,  Moragnet,  Biliorel,  Le  Clerc, 
Hurier,  Hiens  a  surgeon,  and  Nika  the  Indian 
hunter,  who  had  accompanied  him  from  Canada 
to  France,  and  thence  on  the  voyage.  Hiens 
\vas  a  German  from  Wittenberg,  who  had  been 
a  bucanier,  and  Jiad  joined  him  at  St.  Domingo. 
On  the  morning  of  the  22d  of  April,  16S6,  they 


144  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

performed  their  devotions  in  the  chapel,  and  then 
took  tlicir  departure  from  the  fort,  directing  their 
course  to  the  northeast. 

The  colony  was  left  under  the  charge  of  Jou- 
tel.  A  few  days  afterwards,  he  was  surprised  to 
see  a  canoe  coming  up  the  river,  containing  Chef- 
deville,  the  Sieur  de  la  Sablonniere,  and  others, 
who  had  escaped  from  the  Belle.  They  told  the 
sorrowful  tale  of  the  wi-eck  of  that  vessel.  It 
had  been  driven  to  the  south  shore  of  the  bay, 
and  stranded  on  the  beach,  three  months  before. 
Planterose  and  five  others  had  been  previously 
swallowed  up  by  the  w-aves,  in  a  dark  night,  while 
returning  in  a  canoe  from  the  land,  where  they 
had  been  for  water.  Three  or  four  died  on 
board.  The  number  of  hands  was  thus  so  much 
diminished,  that,  when  the  winds  rose,  the  bark 
could  not  be  managed,  and  she  ran  aground. 
Several  of  the  men  perished  on  a  raft,  which 
they  had  unskilfully  constructed ;  and  the  re- 
mainder succeeded  with  difficulty  in  reaching  the 
shore  on  another  raft.  They  saved  a  small  stock 
of  provisions,  and  a  few  articles,  among  which 
were  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle's  clothes  and  papers. 
Here  they  continued,  on  a  desolate  strand,  for 
three  months,  till  a  canoe  accidentally  floated  to 
the  beach,  in  which  they  returned  to  their  com- 
panions at  the  fort. 

Few  incidents  are  related  as  having  occurred 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  145 

during  the  absence  of  La  Salle  on  this  journey. 
The  Indians  sometimes  assailed  the  hunting  par- 
ties, but  they  made  no  hostile  attempts  upon  the 
fort.  The  perfidious  Duhaut  stirred  up  a  mutiny 
in  the  camp,  which  gave  trouble  to  Joutel,  but 
which,  by  a  timely  discovery,  he  was  enabled  to 
suppress.  Yet  he  could  not  entirely  assuage  dis- 
contents, which  were  the  offspring  of  heavy  dis- 
appointments and  hardships.  But  it  was  not  all 
a  scene  of  grief  and  gloom.  The  Sieur  Barbier 
gained  the  heart  of  one  of  the  young  maidens, 
which  furnished  an  occasion  for  the  festivities  of 
a  wedding.  Joutel  was  assisted  in  the  arduous 
duties  of  his  command  by  the  counsels  of  Father 
Zenobe,  a  man  of  wisdom,  fortitude,  and  expe- 
rience. 

After  three  days'  journey,  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle 
met  a  party  of  Indians  in  the  midst  of  a  beautiful 
prairie,  some  on  foot,  and  some  riding  on  horses. 
These  latter  wore  boots  and  spurs,  and  sat  in 
saddles,  which  was  a  proof  that  they  had  a  com 
merce,  directly  or  indirectly,  with  the  Spaniards 
on  the  borders  of  Mexico.  They  were  peaceful 
and  courteous,  and  invited  the  travellers  to  their 
village  ;  but,  as  this  lay  to  the  northwest,  out  of 
the  track,  the  invitation  was  declined.  The  par- 
ty took  ihe  precaution  to  fortify  themselves  that 
night,  as  they  did  afterwards,  with  palisades  and 
fallen  trees.     Travelling  for  two  days  over  prairie- 

VOL.    I.  10 


146  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

grounds,  they  came  to  a  river,  undoubtedly  a 
])ranch  of  the  Colorado,  which  they  called  the 
Robec. 

Here  they  fell  in  with  a  prodigious  number  of 
buflaloes,  and  killed  as  many  as  they  wanted  with 
the  greatest  ease,  stopping  five  or  six  days  to  dry 
the  meat,  and  providing  as  large  a  quantity  as 
they  could  conveniently  carry,  so  that  they  might 
march  for  several  days  without  being  hindered  on 
the  way  to  hunt  for  game.  Five  or  six  miles  be- 
yond, they  came  to  another  river,  which  Father 
Anastase  says  was  broader  and  deeper  than  the 
Seine  at  Paris,  bordered  on  one  side  by  the  most 
beautiful  trees,  and  on  the  other  by  extensive 
plains.  They  crossed  it  on  a  raft.  This  was 
the  Colorado.  It  was  afterwards  called  the  Ma- 
ligne  by  La  Salle,  in  consequence  of  one  of  his 
party  having  been  devoured  in  it  by  a  crocodile'.* 

The  crossing  of  rivers  was  the  most  serious 
impediment  in  their  way.  INIany  of  the  smaller 
streams  could  be  forded,  but  many  others  were 
too  deep  for  such  a  passage.  The  larger  rivers 
could  only  be  passed  with  rafts,  and  tliese  it  took 
much  time  to  construct.  Sometimes  they  would 
fell    trees  across    the   stream,   and    thus   form   a 

*  In  some  of  the-  old  maps,  the  name  Malif^ne  is  applied 
to  the  Brazos,  and  the  Colorado  is  called  the  River  of  Canes  ; 
but,  from  the  narratives  both  of  Joiitel  and  Anastase,  it  is 
more  probable  that  tlie  Colorado  was  tlic  JMaligne. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  147 

bridge.  At  other  times  they  would  cut  down 
trees  on  eacli  side,  in  such  a  manner  that  tlie 
tops  would  meet  in  the  middle.  On  marshy 
banks,  where  trees  did  not  grow,  the  rafts  were 
made  of  canes.  Frequently  there  was  danger 
from  the  rapidity  of  the  current,  and  from  the 
water  being  so  deep  that  the 'bottom  could  not 
be  reached  with  their  poles.  Some  of  the  men 
were  good  swimmers,  and  could  cross  with  an 
axe  whenever  the  occasion  required. 

At  no  great  distance  from  the  Colorado,  their 
course  turned  more  to  the  east,  and  they  soon 
found  themselves  in  the  midst  of  a  numerous 
tribe  of  Indians,  called  the  Biskatronge,  who 
received  them  with  all  the  kindness  imaginable, 
invited  them  to  their  cabins,  detained  them  as 
long  as  they  could  by  persuasion,  and  then 
furnished  them  with  guides,  and  conveyed  them 
across  a  river  in  their  canoes.  The  next  tribe 
was  that  of  the  Kirononas,  who  were  not  less 
friendly  and  hospitable. 

Parting  from  these  nations,  they  were  alarmed 
one  day  by  Nika,  who  cried  out  that  he  was 
dead.  He  had  been  bitten  by  a  snake.  This 
accident  caused  gi'eat  anxiety  to  them  all,  for 
Nika's  fidelity  and  skill  in  hunting  rendered  his 
services  extremely  important.  Remedies  were 
applied,  and  in  a  few  days  the  wound  was  healed. 

The  next  adventure  was  at  a  large  and  rapid 


148  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

river,  where  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  attempting  to 
cross  on  a  raft  of  canes,  with  half  of  his  party, 
was  hurried  violently  down  by  the  current,  till  he 
was  out  of  sight  of  those  left  behind,  who  sup- 
posed they  were  all  drowned ;  but  at  sunset  they 
appeared  on  the  opposite  bank,  the  raft  having 
been  caught  by  the  branches  of  a  floating  tree, 
which  enabled  them  to  reach  the  land.  The 
others  crossed  the  next  day.  But  it  was  a 
dismal,  marshy  place,  where  they  were  midleg 
in  water  while  framing  the  raft ;  and  Father 
Anastase  was  obliged  to  put  his  Breviary  in  his 
cowl  to  prevent  its  being  wet.  This  was  prob- 
ably the  River  Brazos. 

They  were  entangled  for  two  days  among 
canes,  through  which  it  was  necessary  to  cut 
a  patli.  Soon  afterwards,  a  beautiful  country 
opened  to  their  view,  and  the  travelling  was  easy 
and  agreeable.  They  had  not  gone  far,  when 
they  entered  the  .territory  of  a  nation  of  Indians, 
whom  they  found  less  barbarous,  better  provided 
with  the  conveniences  of  life,  and  more  comforta- 
ble in  their  dwellings,  than  any  they  had  seen. 
They  first  met  a  single  Indian,  who,  with  his 
wife  and  family,  was  engaged  in  hunting.  He 
gave  one  of  his  horses  to  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle, 
and  such  provisions  as  he  could  spare,  and 
invited  the  whole  party  to  the  village.  He  went 
forward  to  give  notice  of  their  approach,  and  a 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE  149 

large  company  of  warriors  and  others  came  out, 
fancifully  dressed  in  skins  and  adorned  with 
feathers,  carrying  the  calumet  with  much  cere- 
mony, and  exhibiting  in  all  their  movements  an 
unusual  display.  The  Sieur  de  la  Salle  was 
received  in  a  sort  of  triumph,  and  lodged  in  the 
cabin  of  the  great  chief.  Smiling  faces,  friendly 
salutations,  and  good  cheer,  were  proffered  from 
every  quarter. 

This  village  was  one  of  a  large  number,  scat- 
tered up  and  down  on  both  sides  of  a  river  for 
many  miles  in  extent,  each  having  a  different 
name.  They  were  inhabited  by  the  Cenis  In- 
dians. Some  of  the  habitations  were  fortv  feet 
high,  in  the  shape  of  a  beehive,  having  a  frame- 
work of  trees,  with  their  tops  bent  and  inter- 
twined. Such  a  dwelling  would  accommodate 
two  families.  The  fire  was  in  the  centre,  and 
beds  of  mats  were  arranged  around  the  walls, 
elevated  three  or  four  feet  from  the  ground. 
Some  articles  were  seen,  which  evidently  came 
from  the  Spaniards  in  Mexico,  such  as  silver 
spoons,  pieces  of  money,  and  clothes.  Horses 
likewise  were  common,  which  must  originally 
have  been  obtained  from  the  same  quarter.  Yet 
these  people^  as  they  said,  had  never  seen  any 
Spaniards  in  their  villages,  but  procured  the 
irticles  they  possessed  from  the  Choumans,  their 
allies,  who  resided  at  the  westward,  between  them 


150  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

« 

and  Mexico.  They  were  ready  to  barter  their 
horses.  One  was  sold  for  a  hatchet,  and  another 
was  offered  to  Father  Anastase  in  exchange  for 
his  cowl  by  a  savage,  who  was  struck  with  admi- 
ration of  that  part  of  his  dress.  Tlie  offer  was 
not  accepted. 

The  same  remarkable  power  which  La  Salle 
could  always  exercise  over  the  savage  mind,  was 
shown  on  this  occasion.  He  won  the  respect 
and  confidence  of  all  ranks.  Tliey  entertained 
him  bountifully  for  five  days,  when  he  departed, 
and,  crossing  a  large  river,  which  ran  through 
the  midst  of  the  Cenis  villages,  undoubtedly  the 
River  Trinitv,  marched  forward  to  the  nation  of 
the  Nassonis.  This  nation  was  in  alliance  with 
the  Cenis,  and  seemed  to  possess  the  same  habits, 
manners,  and  character. 

At  about  twenty  miles  farther  onward,  it  was 
discovered  that  four  men  had  deserted  artd  gone 
back  to  the  Nassonis ;  and  in  a  short  time  the 
Sieur  de  la  Salle  and  his  nephew  Moragnet 
were  attacked  by  a  violent  fever,  which  com- 
pelled them  to  stop.  They  were  reduced  so 
low,  that  it  was  more  than  two  months  before 
they  were  able  to  resume  tlieir  journey;  and,  in 
their  present  condition,  it  was  hazardous,  and  in- 
deed impracticable,  to  pursue  their  route  towards 
the  Ilhnois.  They  depended  entirely  on  the 
chase  for  their  food,  and  by  this  long  detention 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  151 

the  stock  of  powder  was  so  much  exhausted, 
that  it  would  not  be  possible  for  the  remainder 
to  carry  them  through  a  dreary  march  of  more 
than  a  thousand  miles,  even  if  they  should  be  so 
fortunate  as  to  meet  a  friendly  reception  from  all 
the  savages  on  the  way  ;  and  this  w^as  not  to  be 
expected.  Compelled  by  this  cruel  necessity, 
La  Salle  took  tlie  only  course  that  was  left ;  he 
resolved  to  go  back  to  the  Bay  of  St.  Bernard. 
The  reader  need  not  be  detained  with  the 
incidents  of  this  journey.  In  fact,  tery  few  have 
been  related.  Their  fatigues  were  much  relieved 
by  five  horses,  wiiich  they  had  purchased  of  the 
natives.  One  of  the  men,  as  mentioned  above, 
was  swallowed  by  a  crocodile,  while  crossing 
the  Colorado ;  and  Bihorel  wandered  away  and 
was  tost.  When  they  arrived  at  the  fort  on  the 
17th  of  October,  after  an  absence  of  almost  six 
months,  Joutel  says  there  Avere  only  eight  men 
with  La  Salle.  Three  had  left  the  company 
on  their  w-ay  out,  being  unable  to  endure  the 
fatigue,  and  it  is  not  known  whether  they  ever 
returned.  Speaking  of  this  journey.  Father  An- 
astase  says,  "  It  would  be  difficult  to  find  in 
history  an  instance  of  a  more  intrepid  and  invin- 
cible courage  than  that  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle 
in  the  midst  of  disheartening  events ;  he  was 
never  cast  down,  and  he  constantly  hoped,  with 
the  aid  of  Heaven,  to  accomplish  his  enterprise, 


152  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

in  spite  of   the    obstacles   by  which   it   was    op- 
posed." 

The  route  he  pursued  cannot  be  traced  on  a 
map  with  any  degi-ee  of  exactness,  because  there 
are  no  v/ell-defined  landmarks  by  which  to  be 
guided ;  and  even  the  names  of  the  Indian  tribes 
have  long  ago  passed  away.  It  may  be  assumed 
as  certain,  however,  that  he  crossed  the  three 
large  rivers,  Colorado,  Brazos,  and  Trinity  ;  the 
first,  not  many  miles  above  the  present  town  of 
Montezuma ;  'and  the  second,  as  far  above  the 
town  of  Washington.  Father  Anastase  informs 
us  that  the  course  was  for  several  days  north- 
east, and  then  more  easterly.  The  Nassonis 
Indians  were  at  some  distance  east  of  the 
Trinity,  and  the  journey  terminated  beyond  the 
Nassonis,  probably  about  midway  between-  the 
Trinity  and  the  Red  River,  near  the  head-waters 
of  the  Sabine,  and  fifty  or  sixty  miles  northwest 
of  Nacogdoches.* 

After  his  arrival  at  the  fort,  he  employed  the 
people  in  constructing  a  new  store-house,  and  in 
providing  other  means  for  lessening  the  discom- 
forts of  their  situation.  He  soon  formed  the 
design  of  another  journey  to  the  Illinois,  and 
began    to   make    preparations.      He    was   again 

*  The  particulars  of  this  journey  are  taken  from  the 
narrative  of  Father  Anastase,  the  only  person  of  tlie  party 
who  wrote  an  account  of  it 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  153 

taken  down  by  an    illness,   which  caused  delay, 
and   ten  weeks  passed  before  he  was  ready. 

For  this  tour,  according  to  Anastase,  he  select- 
ed twenty  men  ;  Joutel  says  seventeen.  Among 
them  were  Father  Anastase,  Cavelier  the  Priest, 
and  young  Cavelier  his  nephew,  Joutel,  Morag- 
net,  Duhaut,  Larcheveque,  Hiens,  Liotot,  Talon, 
De  Marie,  Teissier,  Saget,  and  the  Indian  Nika.* 
The  fort  was  put  under  the  command  of  the 
Sieur  Barbier,  with  whom  were  Father  Zenobe 
and  Maxime,  Chefdeville,  Sablonniere,  and  others, 
being  twenty  persons  in  all,  of  whom  seven  were 
women  and  girls.f  The  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  call- 
ing the  people  together,  addressed  them  in  an 
eloquent  speech,  says  Anastase,  "  with  that  en- 
gaging air  which  was  so  natural  to  him,"  present- 
ing such  motives  to  sustain  their  constancy  as  the 
occasion  would  admit,  and  encouraging  them  to 
hope  for  his  speedy  return  with  succors  to  relieve 
their  distresses. 


*  Talon  was  a  son  of  the  Canadian  gentleman  of  that 
name,  who  sailed  from  Rochefort,  and  who  had  died.  His 
widow  was  left  in  the  camp,  with  several  young  children. 

f  Tliis  is  tlie  statement  of  Joutel,  avIio  speaks  confidently 
as  to  the  number  remaining  in  the  fort  When  tliey  assem 
bled  at  the  first  encampment,  after  the  departure  of  tlie  Joly 
he  mentions  tlie  whole  number  of  persons  as  being  one 
hundred  and  eighty,  besides  the  crew  of  the  Belle.  It  fol- 
lows that  at  least  one  hundred  and  forty-three  had  since 
died.     Journal  Historique,  pp.  95,  90,  157,  158. 


]  54  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Having  taken  a  melancholy  leave  of  their 
companions,  the  travellers  departed  from  the  fort 
on  the  12th  of  January,  1637.  As  they  passed 
over  the  same  route  that  had  been  pursued  on 
the  former  journey,  the  incidents  were  of  a 
similar  kind ;  hunting  buffaloes  and  game  for 
food,  crossing  rivers,  marching  through  swamps, 
and  encountering  the  numerous  ills  and  priva- 
tions  to  which  they  would  naturally  be  exposed 
on  such  a  march.  They  met  companies  of  the 
natives  more  frequently  than  before,  who  uni- 
formly received  them  rather  with  a  kind  wel- 
come, than  with  reserve  or  a  show  of  hostility, 
entertaining  them  in  the  villages,  supplying  them 
with  provisions,  helping  them  across  rivers  with 
their  canoes,  and  selling  horses  for  a  small  com- 
pensation. They  were  also  aided  in  crossing 
some  of  the  streams  by  a  portable  canoe,  con- 
sisting of  a  light  frame  of  wood  covered  with 
buffalo  skins. 

They  thus  proceeded  without  any  remarkable 
adventure  or  accident  for  the  space  of  two 
months.  On  the  15th  of  March,  they  came  near 
to  a  place  where  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  had 
buried  a  quantity  of  Indian  corn  and  beans  on 
his  last  journey,  and  he  ordered  Duhaut,  Iliens, 
Liotot,  Larcheveque,  Teissier,  Nika,  and  his 
footman  Saget,  to  go  and  bring  it  away.  They 
found  the  place,  but  the    corn  and  beans  were 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  155 

spoiled.  Nika,  in  the  mean  time,  killed  two 
buffaloes,  and  they  despatched  Saget  to  inform 
the  commander,  and  request  him  to  send  horses 
for  the  meat.  He  accordingly  directed  Mo- 
ragnet,  De  Marie,  and  Saget,  to  go  thither  with 
horses,  and  to  send  back  one  of  them  loaded 
with  meat  for  immediate  use,  and  w^ait  till  the 
rest  was  dried. 

AVhen  Moragnet  arrived,  he  found  that  the 
meat  had  been  smoked,  though  it  was  not  dry 
enough  for  that  process  ;  and  Duhaut  and  the 
others  had  laid  aside  certain  parts  to  be  roasted 
for  tliemselves,  which  it  seems  was  the  custom 
on  similar  occasions.  Moragnet,  in  a  passionate 
manner,  reprimanded  them  for  what  they  had 
done,  and  took  away  not  only  the  smoked  meat, 
but  the  pieces  they  had  reserved,  saying,  in  a 
menacing  tone,  that  he  would  do  with  it  as  he 
pleased. 

They  were  irritated  at  this  conduct,  which 
was  both  rash  and  unreasonable.  Duhaut  had 
an  old  grudge  against  Moragnet,  and  was  ready 
to  take  revenge.  He  brought  over  Liotot  and 
Hiens  to  second  his  design.  In  short,  they 
conspired  to  murder  Moragnet,  Nika,  and  Saget. 
In  the  night,  after  they  had  supped  and  were 
asleep,  the  horrible  act  was  committed  by  Liotot, 
who  butchered  them  all  with  an  axe.  Nika  and 
Saget   expired   immediately,   but   Moragnet   lin- 


156  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

gered  for  a  short  time,  when  the  assassms 
compelled  De  Marie,  who  was  not  in  the  con- 
spiracy, to  put  an  end  to  his  sufferings.  That 
the  rage  of  passion  should  drive  these  desperate 
men  to  so  violent  a  deed,  as  that  of  the  mur- 
der of  Moragnet,  is  conceivable,  because  similar 
atrocities  have  been  committed  on  other  occa- 
sions ;  but  what  could  impel  them  to  involve  in 
the  same  doom  the  innocent  Nika  and  Saget  ? 
For  two  years  the  faithful  services  of  Nika  had 
been  unremittingly  employed  in  providing  the 
means  of  subsistence  for  them  as  well  as  for 
others.  Why  this  black  ingratitude  and  cold- 
blooded barbarity  ?  They  afford  a  proof,  that 
this  crime  was  not  the  effect  of  a  momentary 
impulse,  but  of  a  deliberate  purpose.  These 
men  were  the  devoted  though  humble  friends  of 
the  commander,  whom  they  would  defend  in  a 
time  of  peril,  and  who,  if  forced  by  necessity, 
might  avenge  his  wrongs  with  a  resolute  arm. 

As  the  conspirators  had  begun  the  work  of 
blood,  they  laid  a  scheme  on  the  spot  for  de- 
stroying the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  in  conformity, 
it  may  be,  with  a  previous  design,  and  under 
the  dread  of  suffering  the  just  punishment  of 
their  guilt  at  his  hands.  They  deliberated  on 
the  method  of  doing  it  for  two  or  three  days. 
Meantime  La  Salle  expressed  anxiety  at  the  long 
absence  of  Moragnet,  and  seemed   to  have  fore- 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  157 

bodiiigs  of  some  unhappy  event,  for  he  asked 
whether  Duhaut  and  his  associates  had  not 
shown  symptoms  of  dissatisfaction.  He  feared, 
also,  that  the  whole  party  might  have  been  cut 
off  by  the  savages. 

Finally,  he  determined  to  go  himself  in  search 
of  them,  leaving  the  camp,  on  the  19th  of 
March,  under  the  charge  of  Joutel.  He  was 
accompanied  by  Father  Anastase,  and  two  na- 
tives who  had  served  him  as  guides.  After 
travelling  about  six  miles,  they  found  the  bloody 
cravat  of  Saget  near  the  bank  of  a  river,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  two  eagles  were  seen  hovering 
over  their  heads,  as  if  attracted  by  food  on  the 
ground.  La  Salle  fired  his  gun,  which  was 
heard  by  the  conspirators  on  the  other  side  of 
the  river.  Duhaut  and  Larcheveque  immediate- 
ly crossed  over  at  some  distance  in  advance. 
La  Salle  approached,  and,  meeting  Larcheveque, 
asked  for  Moragnet,  and  was  answered  vaguely 
that  he  was  along  the  river.  At  that  moment. 
Duhaut,  who  was  concealed  in  the  high  grass, 
discharged  his  musket,  and  shot  him  through 
the  head.  Father  Anastase  was  standins:  bv  his 
side,  and  expected  to  share  the  same  fate,  till 
the  conspirators  told  him  that  tliey  had  no 
design  upon  his  life. 

La    Salle   survived  about   an  hour,  unable    to 


158  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

speak;  but  pressing  the  hand  of  the  good  Father 
to  signify  that  he  understood  what  was  said  to 
him.  The  same  kind  friend  dug  his  grave,  and 
buried  him,  and  erected  a  cross  over  his  re- 
mains. '•  Thus  perished,"  says  he,  "  our  wise 
conductor,  constant  in  adversities,  intrepid,  gen- 
erous, engaging,  adroit,  skilful,  and  capable  of 
anything.  He  who,  during  a  period  of  twenty 
years,  had  softened  the  fierce  temper  of  a  vast 
number  of  savage  nations,  was  massacred  by 
his  own  people,  whom  he  had  loaded  with 
benefits.  He  died  in  the  vigor  of  life,  in  the 
midst  of  his  career  and  his  labors,  without  the 
consolation  of  having  seen  their  results."  * 

The    conspirators    all    returned    to   the  camp, 
and  the  grief  witli  which  the  sad  intelligence  was 

*  In  this  account  of  the  death  and  burial  of  tlie  Sieur 
de  la  Salle,  1  have  followed  tlie  nan-ative  of  Father  Anas- 
tase.  —  Le  Clercq's  Etablissement,  &c.,  Tom.  II.  p.  340. — 
Joutel  says  that  he  expired  instantly,  and  tliat  "the  body 
was  stripped  naked,  dragged  into  tlie  bushes,  and  left  ex- 
posed to  the  ravenous  wild  beasts."  —  Journal  Historiquej 
p.  '^03.  —  But  he  related  what  was  told  to  him  by  others, 
and  wrote  from  recollection;  whereas  Anastase  was  present, 
and  has  described  Avhat  he  saw  and  performed ;  and,  as  his 
autliority  is  unquestioned,  the  account  given  by  him  would 
seem  to  deserve  the  most  credit. 

It  is  impossible  to  determine  the  precise  spot  at  which 
this  tragedy  occurred.  It  was  several  days'  journey  west 
of  Uie  Ccnis  Indians,  whose  dwellings  were  on  tlic   River 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE. 


159 


heard  by  Joutcl,  Cavelier,  and  the  others  there, 
may  be  imagined.  Attached  and  devoted  as  they 
had  been  to  their  commander,  they  had  reason 
to  suppose  themselves  destined  to  be  the  next 
victims  of  the  murderers.  Larcheveque  assured 
Joutcl,  however,  that  if  he  said  and  did  nothing 
to  give  further  offence,  he  would  be  safe ;  and 
the  same  declaration  was  made  to  Cavelier.  But 
the  anguish  they  felt  was  not  assuaged  by  the 
reflection,  that  they  were  now  at  the  mercy  of 
faithless  and  treacherous  assassins,  who,  at  any 
moment,  in  a  fit  of  caprice,  might  perpetrate  new 
crimes,  as  their  passions  or  interests  might  dic- 
tate. 

Duhaut  assumed  the  command,  and  the  con- 
federates were  for  a  time  submissive  to  his  orders. 
They  seized  upon  all  the  effects  of  the  Sieur  de 
la  Salle,  and  of  those  who  had  adhered  to  him, 
and  then  took  up  their  line  of  march  towards  the 
villages  of  the  Cenis  Indians. 

Trinity.  The  place  was  probably  on  one  of*  the  streams 
flowing  into  the  Brazos,  from  the  east,  and  not  far  from 
that  river ;  perhaps  forty  or  fifty  miles  north  of  tlie  present 
town  of  Washington.  It  could  scarcely  have  been  farther 
eastward,  though  the  event  has  generally  been  supposed 
to  have  happened  on  a  branch  of  the  Trinity. 


160  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 


CHAPTER   XII. 

Contention  betiucen  the  Conspirators.  —  Five  of 
La  Salle's  Party  proceed  to  the  Illinois,  and 
thence  to  France.  —  The  Chevalier  de  Tonty, 
—  Error  concerning  a  supposed  Attempt  of  La 
Salle  to  find  the  Mines  of  St.  Barbe. — Fate 
of  the  Colony  at  the  Bay  of  St.  Bernard.  — 
Conclusion. 

After  a  few  days'  march,  they  encamped  not 
far  from  a  Cenis  village,  and,  as  the  provisions 
began  to  fail,  Joutel,  Liotot,  Hiens,  and  Teis- 
sier, were  sent  forward  with  axes  and  knives 
to  barter  with  the  natives  for  corn  and  horses. 
They  were  successful  in  their  trade,  and  went 
back  with  a  good  supply,  except  Joutel,  who  re- 
mained to  collect  a  further  stock.  Among  the 
Cenis  he  found  three  of  the  Frenchmen,  who 
had  deserted  from  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  on  the 
former  journey.  One  of  them  was  named  Ru- 
ter,  a  sailor  of  Brittany,  and  another  was  called 
Grollct.  They  had  adopted  the  Indian  costume, 
shaved  their  heads,  painted  their  faces  and  bod- 
ies, decorated  themselves  with  feathers,  and  in 
their  appearance  and  manners  could  scarcely 
be  distinguished  from  tlie  savages.  While  their 
powder   lasted,    they    had    made    themselves    of 


ROBERT     DE      LA     SALLE.  161 

consequence  in  the  wars,  having  killed  many  of 
the  enemy ;  but  when  this  was  gone,  they  were 
obliged  to  resort  to  bows  and  arrows,  which  they 
had  learned  to  manage  with  adroitness. 

While  Joutel  was  employed  for  a  week  or  two 
in  collecting  provisions,  the  company  still  remain- 
ing at  the  camp,  Duhaut  formed  the  design  of 
returning  to  the  Bay  of  St.  Bernard,  where  he 
intended  to  build  a  vessel,  and  embark  in  it  for 
the  West  Indies.  This  was  a  wild  scheme,  since 
there  were  neither  carpenters  nor  materials  for 
constructing  such  a  vessel ;  yet  he  insisted  on  ex- 
ecuting it.  Anastase,  Cavelier,  and  Joutel  were 
bent  on  going  forward  to  the  Illinois ;  but  they 
did  not  venture  to  reveal  this  project  to  Duhaut, 
not  knowing  what  effect  it  might  have  upon  his 
reckless  and  violent  temper.  Cavelier,  in  as  gen- 
tle a  manner  as  possible,  told  him  that  they  were 
not  willing  to  undertake  the  fatigues  of  this 
journey,  but  preferred  to  remain  in  the  Cenis 
villages,  and  asked  him  to  leave  with  them  some 
of  the  powder,  axes,  and  other  articles,  by  which 
they  could  obtain  provisions.  After  consulting 
with  his  associates,  he  consented  to  this  proposal, 
and  said  that,  in  case  he  should  not  succeed  in 
building  a  boat,  he  would  return  and  bring  with 
him  Father  Zenobe ;  and,  if  he  should  succeed, 
he  would  give  them  notice,  and  they  migtit 
follow  him   to  the  Bay  of  St.  Bernard. 

VOL.    I.  II 


162  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

This  freak  of  good  humor  was  more  than 
they  had  reason  to  expect.  Before  long,  Duhaut 
found  out  their  project  of  going  to  the  IlUnois; 
and  then  he  changed  his  mind,  probably  being 
convinced,  upon  reflection,  of  the  folly  of  his  own 
scheme.  This  change  disconcerted  the  hopes 
of  Joutel  and  his  party,  for  they  were  anxious 
to  be  separated  from  the  murderers.  Their  hopes 
were  fulfilled  in  a  way  they  did  not  anticipate. 
Dissensions  had  already  sprung  up  among  the 
assassins  about  the  division  of  the  effects,  which 
terminated  in  a  quarrel.  This  w^as  the  state  of 
things  at  the  end  of  April. 

Hiens  had  been  absent  from  the  camp  for 
some  time,  and  when  he  returned,  and  under- 
stood that  Duhaut  had  altered  his  plan,  he 
refused  his  consent,  and  said  it  would  be  dan- 
gerous for  them  to  go  to  the  Illinois,  where 
they  might  be  arrested  and  punished  under  the 
authority  of  the  French  government.  He  de- 
manded a  share  of  all  the  goods  that  had  been 
seized,  and,  wlien  this  demand  was  refused, 
Hlens,  who  had  probably  formed  liis  design 
beforehand,  drew  a  pistol  and  shot  Duhaut,  who 
staggered  a  few  steps  and  fell  dead.  At  tiie 
same  instant,  Ruter  fired  his  musket  upon  Liotot, 
who  was  mortally  wounded,  but  who  survived  a 
few  hours,  when  Ruter  put  an  end  to  his  tortures 
by  the  discharge  of  a  pistol.     They  next  sought 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  163 

Larcheveque,  who  was  absent,  and  whom  they 
hkewise  intended  to  kill ;  but  they  were  diverted 
from  their  purpose  by  the  intercessions  of  Anas- 
tase  and  Cavelier. 

These  new  atrocities  struck  the  adherents  of  La 
Salle  with  consternation  and  horror  ;  but  Hiens 
assured  them  that  he  had  no  intention  to  do 
them  harm,  and  that  they  might  be  tranquil  and 
easy  on  that  score.  They  were  now  under  his 
command,  but  he  seems  not  to  have  exercised 
any  severity,  either  to  injure  their  persons  or 
control  their  movements.  He  told  them  that  he 
had  engaged  to  join  the  natives  in  a  war,  and. 
would  fulfil  his  promise,  and  that  they  might 
remain  in  the  villages  till  he  returned.  This 
purpose  was  executed.  Hiens  and  his  men  went 
away,  leaving  them  behind. 

They  stayed  till  he  returned  from  the  war,  in 
which  bloody  battles  had  been  fought.  He 
then  consented,  though  with  reluctance,  to  let 
them  depart.  He  furnished  them  with  a  good 
supply  of  axes,  knives,  powder,  and  balls,  and 
with  three  horses.  If  they  were  thankful  for 
this  show  of  generosity,  it  was  not  without  sharp 
feeling  that  they  saw  this  conspirator  and  assassin 
parading  among  the  Indians  dressed  in  a  scarlet 
coat  embroidered  with  gold,  which  had  belonged 
to  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  and  which  he  was 
accustomed    to  wear  on  occasions  of  ceremony. 


164  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

But  it  was  not  a  time  to  yield  to  the  claims  of 
sensibility,  or  to  indulge  emotions,  which  nature 
might  prompt,  but  which  a  stern  policy  bade 
them  suppress. 

The  company  now  consisted  of  seven  per- 
sons, Anastase,  Cavelier  the  Priest,  Cavelier  the 
nephew,  Joutel,  De  Marie,  Teissier,  and  a  young 
Parisian,  named  Barthelemy.  They  had  six 
horses,  and  -three  Indian  guides,  who  had  been 
prevailed  upon  to  go  with  them  for  a  liberal 
reward. 

To  give  the  details  of  their  journey  would  be 
.little  else  than  to  repeat  what  has  before  been 
described.  They  left  the  Cenis  villages  late  in 
the  month  of  May,  travelled  over  the  former 
route  as  far  as  the  Nassonis,  and  then,  pursuing 
the  same  northeasterly  course,  passed  through 
several  tribes  of  Indians,  among  others  the  great 
nation  of  the  Cadodaquios,  who  dv/elt  on  the 
banks  of  the  Red  P^iver.  A  melancholy  acci- 
dent happened  before  they  reached  this  place. 
De  Marie,  while  bathing  in  a  river,  was  drowned. 
The  natives  were  everywhere  friendly,  gave  them 
provisions,  and  assisted  them  with  guides.  At 
length,  on  the  24th  of  July,  as  they  approached 
a  river,  they  beheld  on  the  opposite  side,  to  their 
inexpressible  joy  and  surprise,  a  large  cross,  and 
a  house  of  logs  built  after  the  French  fashion. 
This  house  was  near  the  junction  of  the  Arkansas 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  165 

River  with  tlie  Mississippi,  where  the  provident 
Tonty,  true  to  his  duty  and  his  attachment,  had 
posted  six  men,  with  tlic  hope  that  they  might 
be  able  in  some  way  to  communicate  with  the 
Sieur  de  la  Salle.  Two  of  them  only,  Couture 
and  Delaunay,  now  remained ;  the  other  four 
had  gone  back  to  the  Illinois. 

As  soon  as  these  two  men  saw  their  country- 
men, they  fired  a  salute,  crossed  the  river  with  ca- 
noes, and  took  them  to  their  habitation.  After  a 
six  months'  march  through  a  wilderness,  a  march 
filled  with  perils  and  the  most  painful  incidents, 
we  may  well  imagine  that  the  travellers  were 
rejoiced  to  meet  once  more  the  tokens  of  human 
sympathy,  as  well  as  to  see  the  waters  of  the 
Mississippi,  so  long  the  object  of  their  ardent 
desire,  now  rolling  placidly  before  their  eyes. 
Although  they  were  many  hundred  miles  from 
the  nearest  footprints  of  civilization,  they  seemed 
to  be  on  the  threshold  of  home.  Tlicy  rested 
here  six  days,  and  were  entertained  by  the  Akan- 
sas  with  the  ceremonies  usual  on  receiving 
strangers  bearing  the  calumet  of  peace.  JNIore- 
over,  these  savages  had  seen  La  Salle  ;  his  renown 
as  a  great  captain  was  high  among  them  ;  and, 
not  yet  informed  of  his  death,  they  bestowed  on 
his  companions  some  portion  of  the  respect  enter- 
tained for  their  leader. 

The  Parisian  youth  Barthelemy,  exhausted  by 


166  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

the  toils  he  had  endured,  was  allowed  to  stay, 
at  his  own  request,  with  Couture  and  Delaunay 
The  company  was  thus  reduced  to  five  persons. 
After  making  presents  to  the  chiefs,  procuring 
Indian  guides,  and  bartering  some  of  their  horses 
for  a  canoe,  they  took  leave  of  their  hospitable 
friends,  and  began  the  wearisome  labor  of  as- 
cending the  Mississi})pi.  Their  progress  was 
slow,  but  at  the  end  of  two  months  they  entered 
the  Illinois  River,  and,  on  the  14th  of  September, 
landed  at  the  foot  of  the  hidi  rock  on  which 
stood  the  Fort  of  St.  Louis.* 

*  In  this  part  of  the  narrative,  Father  Anastase  makes  a 
passing  remark  upon  tlie  voyage  of  Marquette  and  Joliet 
He  endeavors  to  tlirow  a  shade  of  discredit  upon  Marquette's 
relation,  and  says  it  did  not  see  the  light  till  after  La  Salle's 
discovery.  This  is  a  mistake,  for  it  was  published  in  1G81, 
the  year  before  La  Salle  descended  the  Mississippi.  He 
affirms,  moreover,  that  these  voyagers  did  not  go  more  than 
thirty  or  forty  leagues  below  the  mouth  of  the  Illinois.  He 
gives  no  reason  for  this  assertion,  and  it  may  safely  be  said 
that  there  is  no  composition  of  tlie  narrative  kind,  which 
bears  stronger  internal  marks  of  truth,  than  that  of  Mar- 
quette. His  map,  also,  which  was  published  at  tlie  same 
time,  is  strikingly  correct  in  the  position  of  the  great  rivers, 
and  in  tlie  latitudes  as  far  south  as  the  Arkansas,  which  was 
the  limit  of  his  voyage.  Anastase  was  a  Recollect,  and  Mar- 
quette a  Jesuit;  and  as  we  have  seen,  in  tlie  case  of  Char- 
levoix, tliat  the  Jesuits  sometimes  looked  through  dark 
glasses  upon  the  labors  and  writings  of  their  Franciscan 
brethren,  so  in  this  instance,  perhaps,  it  is  but  fair  to  sup- 
pose that  the  compliment  was  returned. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  167 

The  Chevalier  de  Tonty,  governor  of  the  fort 
and  of  the  Illinois  country,  was  absent  in  a  war 
against  the  Iroquois ;  but  they  were  greeted  with 
cordiality  and  joy  by  the  Sieur  de  Bellefontaine, 
who  commanded  in  his  absence.  Boisrondet, 
whom  the  reader  will  recollect  as  having  been 
several  times  mentioned  before,  was  likewise  in 
the  fort,  and  devotedly  attached  to  the  interests 
of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle.  It  was  the  intention 
of  Cavelier,  Joutel,  and  Anastase,  to  proceed 
immediately  to  Quebec,  and  thence  to  France. 
They  prepared  for  their  journey  in  a  few  days. 
Boisrondet  likewise  proposed  to  go  with  them, 
and  offered  them  a  passage  in  his  canoe.  They 
went  to  Chicago,  and  set  off  upon  the  lake, 
but  were  soon  discouraged  by  the  tempestuous 
weather  and  lateness  of  the  season,  and  returned 
to  Fort  St.  Louis,  where  they  spent  the  winter. 

They  had  not  been  long  there,  when  the 
Chevalier  de  Tonty,  having  closed  the  Iroquois 
campaign,  came  to  them  at  the  fort.  It  may 
easily  be  imagined  with  what  delight  and  eager 
anticipations  he  now  met  those,  who  could  give 
him  intelligence  of  his  long-lost  friend.  But,  for 
some  strange  reason  not  well  explained,  Cave- 
lier and  his  companions  had  agreed  to  conceal 
his  brother's  death  till  they  should  arrive  in 
France.  They  had  told  it  to  Couture,  but  charged 
him   to  keep  it  a  profound    secret.     They  were 


168  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

obliged  to  dissemble,  therefore,  with  Tonty,  and 
with    everybody   else,  who   besieged    them    with 
anxious  inquiries  upon  this  subject.     They  related 
the  particulars  of  the  voyage,  and  of  the  disas- 
ters and  adventures  at  the  Bay  of  St.  Bernard, 
leaving  the  impression,  at  the  same  time,  that  La 
Salle  was  still  there  and  alive.     The  only  apology 
hinted    at  bv  Anastase  and    Joutel  for   this    ex- 
traordinary  conduct,  is,  that  they  regarded  it  a 
duty  first  to  communicate  the  news  to  the  court 
of  France.     Tliis  is  so  clearly  a  subterfuge,  that 
it  is  not  worthy    of    a   moment's    consideration 
Charlevoix   probably    suggests    the    true    reason, 
which  was,  that  they  wished  to  make  use  of  the 
credit  of  La  Salle  to  procure  the   means  for  en- 
.abling  them  to    pursue    their  journey.     But  this 
will  not    account    for    their   silence    at    Quebec, 
when    their   journey  was    at   an    end.     Cavelier 
presented  a  sealed  letter  to  Tonty,  purporting  to 
be  written  by  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  and   signed 
by  him,  in  which  he  requested  Tonty  to  furnish 
his  brother  with  money  or  goods.     Unsuspicious, 
and  as  ready  to  comply  with    the  wishes   as  to 
obey  the  commands  of  his  friend,  he  generously 
supplied  the  bearer,  as    Joutel    relates,  with  the 
value  of  four  thousand  livrcs  in   furs,    a   canoe, 
and     other    elTects,     for    wliich     Cavelier    went 
through  the  ceremony  of  giving  him  a    receipt. 
The   letter   may   have   been    written  before   La 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  169 

Salle's  death  ;  but  was  it  just  or  honorable  now 
to  pass  it  off  for  such  a  purpose  ?  These  trans- 
actions, apparently  so  indefensible,  cannot  be 
explained,  and  must  be  left  to  the  reader's  re- 
flection. 

Cavelier  and  his  companions  left  Fort  St. 
Louis  early  in  the  spring  of  1688  ;  but  they  lin- 
gered on  the  way,  and  did  not  reach  Quebec  till 
after  the  middle  of  August,  when  they  sailed  for 
France,  and  landed  at  Rochelle  on  the  9th  of 
October,  bearing  with  them  the  first  intelligence 
to  the  French  court  and  nation  of  the  death  of 
the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  more  than  a  year  and  a 
half  after  this  tragical  event  had  occurred. 

In  conformity  to  his  orders  from  La  Salle  and 
the  court  of  France,  Tonty  had  descended  the 
Mississippi,  with  forty  men,  to  its  mouth,  where 
he  expected  to  meet  his  commander.  Disap- 
pointed in  his  expectation,  he  sent  out  canoes 
along  the  coast,  both  to  the  east  and  west  of  the 
Mississippi,  in  search  of  the  vessels.  These  not 
being  found,  he  returned  up  the  river  to  the 
Illinois,  stopping  at  the  Arkansas,  and  establish- 
ing there  the  post  before  mentioned.* 

After  this  period,  little  is  known  of  the  Cheva- 

*  When  Iberville  sailed  into  tiie  Mississippi,  fourteen 
years  afterwards,  a  letter  was  put  into  his  hands,  which  had 
been  written  by  the  Chevalier  de  Tonty,  and  which  was  then 


170  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Her  de  Tontv.  He  was  informed  of  La  Salle's 
death  by  Couture,  who  came  up  to  Fort  St 
Louis  some  time  after  the  departure  of  Cavelier 
His  surprise  and  chagrin  need  not  be  described. 
The  next  year,  1689,  he  put  himself  at  the  head 
of  an  expedition  to  go  and  rescue  the  unfortunate 
people  left  at  the  Bay  of  St.  Bernard.  He  ad- 
vanced to  tb.e  country  of  the  Cenis  Lidians,  and, 
as  he  says,  approached  within  seven  days'  march 

procured  from  an  Indian  chief.  It  was  directed  to  M.  de 
la  Salle,  Governor  of  Louisiana,  and  its  contents  were  as 
follows. 

"  At  tlie  village  of  tlie  Quinipissas,  20th  of  April,  1G85. 
Sir;  Having  found  tlie  column,  on  which  you  liad  placed 
the  arms  of  France,  overtlirown  by  the  driftwood  floated 
thitlier  by  tlie  tide,  I  caused  a  new  one  to  be  erected,  about 
seven  leagues  from  tlie  sea,  where  1  left  a  letter  suspended 
from  a  tree.  —  All  tlie  nations  have  sung  the  calumet. 
These  people  fear  us  extremely,  since  your  attack  upon 
their  village.  I  close  by  saying,  tliat  it  gives  me  great 
uneasiness  to  be  oblisred  to  return  under  the  misfortune  of 
not  having  found  you.  Two  canoes  have  examined  the 
coast  thirty  leagues  towards  Mexico,  and  twenty-live  to- 
wards Florida." 

This  letter  is  published  by  Charlevoix.  He  adds  that 
tlie  Indians,  whom  Tonty  calls  Quinipissas,  were  the  same 
as  the  Bayagoulas  and  Mongoulachas.  —  Histoire,  Liv. 
XVIII.  —  The  above  date,  as  given  by  Charlevoix,  is  erro- 
neous in  regard  to  the  year,  for  Tonty  says  in  his  Petition, 
that  he  went  down  the  Mississippi  in  1CS6 ;  and  he  must 
of  course  have  been  there  about  the  time  tliat  La  Salle  was 
beginning  iiis  first  journey  to  the  Illinois. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  171 

of  tlio  Spaniards,  when  some  of  his  men  aban- 
doned him,  and  he  was  obhged  to  return.  He 
was  absent  ten  months.  If  Caveher  and  Joutel 
had  been  open  and  frank  wdth  him,  and  had  told 
the  W'liole  truth  when  they  first  arrived,  and  thus 
enabled  him  to  form  his  plan  immediately,  it  is 
more  than  probable  that  his  zeal  and  enterprise, 
prompted  as  they  were  by  the  noblest  motives  of 
humanity,  would  have  been  crowned  with  suc- 
cess. For  several  years,  he  held  the  chief  com- 
mand in  the  Illinois  country,  by  a  commission 
from  the  king,  his  head-quarters  being  at  Fort 
St.  Louis.  He  joined  Iberville  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi  about  the  year  1700,  and  two 
years  afterw^ards  v/as  employed  on  a  mission  to 
the  Chickasaw's.  His  route  from  Mobile  to  the 
Chickasaw  nation  is  dehneated  in  some  of  the 
old  maps.  Neither  his  subsequent  services  nor 
the  time  of  his  death  are  known.* 

All  the  facts  that  can  be  ascertained,  concern- 
ing the  Chevalier  de  Tonty,  are  such  as  give  a 
highly  favorable  impression  of  his  character,  both 
as  an  officer  and  a  man.  His  constancy,  and  his 
steady  devotion  to  La  Salle,  are  marked  not  only 

*  In  the  Pelition  of  the  Chevalier  de  Tonty  to  the 
Count  de  Pontchartrain,  some  of  tlie  events  of  his  Hfe  are 
narrated.  See  Appej^dix,  No.  V.  —  The  Sieur  de  Tonty, 
a  captain  in  tlie  army,  who  commanded  for  some  time  at 
Detroit,  was  his  brother. 


172  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

by  a  strict  obedience  to  orders,  but  by  a  faithful 
friendship  and  chivahous  generosity.  His  cour- 
age and  address  were  strikingly  exhibited  in  his 
intercourse  with  the  Indians,  as  well  in  war  as 
in  peace ;  but  his  acts  were  performed  where 
there  were  few  to  observe  and  fewer  to  record 
them.  Hence  it  is,  that  historians  have  done 
him  but  partial  justice.  And  it  is  most  unfortu- 
nate, that  the  narrative  from  his  own  pen,  origi- 
nally written,  as  his  character  justifies  us  in 
believing,  with  fidelity  and  truth,  should  have 
been  so  mutilated  and  deformed  by  some  mis- 
chievous hand,  as  to  render  it  a  reproach  to  his 
name,  rather  than  what  it  miglit  have  been,  a 
testimony  to  his  merits,  and  an  honorable  monu- 
ment to  his  memory. 

One  censure  has  been  cast  upon  the  Sieur  de 
la  Salic,  of  a  very  grave  nature,  which  deserves 
a  special  notice.  Charlevoix  says,  "  It  is  certain 
that  M.  de  la  Salle,  finding  himself  at  the  Bay 
of  St.  Bernard,  and  having  soon  discovered  that 
he  was  at  the  westward  of  the  river  for  which 
he  was  searching,  might,  if  he  had  entertained 
no  other  design  than  that  of  finding  the  river, 
have  procured  guides  among  the  Cenis  Indians, 
dunng  his  first  journey,  as  Joutel  did  after- 
wards ;  but  he  had  a  strong  desire  to  go  towards 
the    S})aniards,    to   obtain  a   knowledge    of    the 


ROBKRT     DE     LA     SALLE.  113 

Mines  of  St.  Barbe."*  From  this  passage  of 
CJiarlevoix,  and  one  or  two  otliers,  it  is  evident 
tliat  he  supposed  La  Salle  to  have  left  his  forlorn 
colony  in  a  state  ol  desolation  and  distress,  and 
to  have  strolled  away  to  the  borders  of  New 
Mexico,  in  search  of  these  chimerical  mines. 
Other  writers  have  been  betrayed  by  him  into 
the  same  belief.  But  this  idea  is  entirely  erro- 
neous, as  the  reader  cannot  but  be  convinced 
•from  the  details  of  his  journeys,  which  have  been 
above  related. 

Joutel  likewise  observes,  speaking  of  La  Salle's 
first  journey  from  the  Bay  of  St.  Bernard,  that 
^'  he  penetrated  far  into  the  country,  inclining 
towards  the  northern  parts  of  Mexico."  f  But 
w-e  must  remember,  that  Joutel  was  not  with 
him  during  this  journey,  and  does  not  pretend 
to  describe  it.  The  only  person,  ^vho  wrote  an 
account  of  it,  was  Father  Anastase,  and  he  was 
one  of  the  party.  He  says  expressly,  and  more 
than  once,  that,  when  they  left  the  fort,  their 
route  was  northeast,  and  afterwards  more  easter- 
ly ;  and  they  passed  in  this  direction  a  long  way 
beyond  the  Cenis  villages  towards  the  Red  River. 
And  Joutel  himself  informs  us,  that  the  second 
journey  was  over  the  same  track  as  the  first,  and 

*  Histoire  de  JVouvdIe  France,  Liv.  XIII. 
f  Journal  Hisforiqiie,  p.  150. 


174  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

that  La  Salle  was  killed  at  a  place  where  he  had 
been  while  on  the  first  journey. 

Hennepin  tells  us,  that,  before  the  Sieur  de  la 
Salle  began  his  discoveries,  he  used  to  talk  to 
him  in  Canada  of  these  imaginary  Mines  of  St. 
Barbe,  and  hoped  that  he  should  find  them  at 
some  future  day.  This  inay  be  true,  for  the  same 
chimera  at  that  time  and  afterwards  troubled 
the  dreams  of  many  persons  in  France.  Near 
the  close  of  the  volume,  containing  the  English 
translation  of  Hennepin,  is  an  absurd  story  by 
an  unknown  hand,  purporting  to  be  a  description 
of  La  Salle's  last  voyage  and  death.  The  writer 
says,  that  he  proposed  to  his  men  to  go  with  him 
from  the  coast  to  the  Mines  of  St.  Barbe,  where 
they  would  find  a  '•'  rich  and  easy  booty ; "  that 
some  approved  and  others  rejected  this  proposi- 
tion, till  they  fell  into  a  quarrel,  and  came  to 
blows ;  and  that  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  was  killed 
in  the  fray. 

From  these  suggestions  and  rumors,  and  others 
of  a  similar  kind,  it  seems  to  have  at  length  been 
regarded  as  an  historical  fact,  that  he  really  en- 
gaged in  this  adventure.  No  authentic  account 
of  his  death  was  published,  till  that  of  Le  Clercq, 
four  years  after  tlie  event.  INIeantime  La  Salle 
had  enemies  enough  in  Canada,  and  in  France 
after  the  return  of  Beaujeu  witJi  his  vessel,  to 
circulate  any  talcs  that  might  be  told  to  his  dis- 


ROBERT     DE      LA     SALLE.  175 

advantage.  Scarcely  a  fact  connected  with  his 
discoveries,  however,  is  more  demonstrable,  than 
tliat  he  never  went  a  day's  journey  from  the  Bay 
of  St.  Bernard  towards  Mexico,  and  that  all  his 
travels  were  eastward,  in  the  direction  of  the 
Mississippi  or  of  tlie  Illinois.  Hence  it  is  im- 
possible that  he  should  have  gone  in  search  of 
the  Mines  of  St.  Barbe,  which  were  supposed  to 
exist  somewhere  in  the  northern  parts  of  Mexico ; 
nor  is  there  any  creditable  authority  of  early  date 
for  believing,  that  he  entertained  for  a  moment 
such  a  design  after  he  landed. 

The  reader  m.ay  be  curious  to  know  the  fate 
of  the  unhappy  colonists  left  at  the  fort.  The 
story,  as  related  by  Charlevoix,  is  brief  and  sad. 
When  the  neighboring  Indians,  whom  he  calls 
Clamoets,  heard  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle's  death, 
and  of  the  dispersion  of  his  men,  they  made  an 
attack  on  the  fort,  and  massacred  all  that  were  in 
it,  except  three  sons  and  a  daughter  of  M.  Talon, 
and  a  young  Frenchman  named  Eustache  de  Bre- 
man.  These  were  spared,  and  led  into  captivity. 
Their  tender  age  seems  to  have  been  their  shield 
of  protection.  IMeantime  the  Spaniards  of  New 
Mexico,  alarmed  at  the  movements  of  La  Salle, 
and  hearing  that  Frenchmen  had  penetrated  to 
the  Cenis  Indians,  despatched  a  strong  military 
force  to  that  nation,  where  they  took  Larcheveque 
and  Grollet  prisoners.     Another  party  found  Ta 


176  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Ion  and  Alunier,  who,  having  acquired  the  Ian 
guage  of  the  natives,  were  prevailed  upon  to 
remain  there  and  assist  the  Spanish  missiona- 
ries as  interpreters.  Young  Talon  informed  the 
Spaniards  of  the  captivity  of  his  brothers  and 
sister  among  the  Clamoets.  Two  of  the  brothers, 
the  sister,  and  Breman,  were  rescued  some  time 
after,  and  conducted  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  where 
they  were  taken  into  the  service  of  the  viceroy. 

Larcheveque  and  Grollet  were  first  sent  to 
Spain,  and  confined  in  prison.  They  were  next 
transported  to  New  Mexico,  and,  it  is  supposed, 
were  condemned  to  work  in  the  mines.  The 
two  brothers.  Talon,  entered  the  Spanish  navy, 
and,  the  vessel  in  wliich  they  served  having  been 
captured  by  the  French,  they  were  thus  restored 
to  their  country.  The  youngest  brother,  and  the 
sister,  who  were  retained  in  the  service  of  the 
viceroy,  went  with  him  to  Spain.  Nothing  fur- 
ther is  known  of  Breman,  or  of  those  who  re- 
mained with  the  Cenis  Indians.  It  does  not 
appear,  that  the  French  government  took  any 
measures  to  reclaim  the  prisoners,  although  they 
had  gone  upon  the  enterprise  under  the  author- 
ity of  the  court.  Political  reasons  may  have 
prevented  such  a  step.  No  plan  was  put  in  ex- 
ecution for  saving  the  unfortunate  people  at 
the  fort;  and  the  news  of  their  disastrous  situa- 
tion, after   the  death  of  their  conniiander,  came 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  177 

SO  late  to  France,  that  an  attempt  for  this 
object  would  have  been  unavailing,  if  it  had 
been  made. 

In  estimating  the  character,  the  acts,  and 
personal  qualities  of  La  Salle,  we  should  not 
forget,  that  our  judgment  is  to  be  formed  wholly 
from  the  relations  of  others,  who  knew  little  of 
his  plans  or  his  thoughts,  and  who  were  not,  all 
of  them  his  friends.  Not  a  single  paper  from 
his  own  hand,  not  so  much  as  a  private  letter  or 
a  fragment  of  his  official  correspondence,  has 
ever  been  published,  or  even  consulted  by  the 
writers  on  whose  authority  alone  we  must  rely 
for  the  history  of  the  transactions  in  which  he 
was  concerned.  All  the  orisfinal  sources  of 
information,  which  now  exist,  are  mere  narratives, 
the  compositions  of  men  who  related  passing 
events,  and  saw  the  outside  only,  but  wlio  had 
neither  the  means  of  knowing  nor  the  intelligence 
to  comprehend  the  nature  and  extent  of  his 
designs,  or  the  complicated  difficulties  with  which 
they  were  executed.  The  journal  of  Joutel, 
which  has  been  regarded  as  the  best  of  these, 
was  written,  as  the  author  himself  confesses, 
mostly  from  recollection,  and  was  published 
twenty-six  years  after  the  death  of  La  Salle.  It 
would  be  in  vain  to  search,  in  materials  of  this 
kind,  for  the  secret  springs  of  his  bold  concep- 
tions, his   motives  and   ultimate  aims,  which,  if 

VOL.    I.  12 


178  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

they  had  been  unfolded  and  explained  by  him- 
self, would  undoubtedly  place  him  in  a  very 
different  light  before  the  world.  Under  such  cir- 
cumstances, it  would  be  wrong  to  judge  harshly. 
From  the  preceding  narrative  it  is  obvious, 
that  he  possessed  remarkable  qualities,  which 
fitted  him  for  great  undertakings ;  although  it 
must  be  conceded,  that  he  was  deficient  in  others 
scarcely  less  essential  to  success.  He  was  igno- 
rant of  the  art  of  governing  men,  or  rather  of 
bending  them  to  his  purpose.  He  could  neither 
humor  their  foibles,  nor  lead  them  by  a  silken 
cord,  nor  attach  them  heartily  to  his  interests ; 
and  he  seems  never  to  have  been  aware  that 
enterprises  like  those  in  which  he  was  engaged, 
could  not  be  accomplished  without  the  willing 
support  and  cooperating  agency  of  others,  who, 
although  they  acted  in  a  subordinate  capacity, 
would  claim  some  degree  of  respect  and  defer- 
ence for  their  opinions.  Saturnine  in  his  tem- 
perament, reserved  in  his  communications,  he 
asked  counsel  of  no  one  ;  and  there  was  a  certain 
hardness  in  his  manners,  a  tone  of  lofty  self- 
reliance,  which,  although  it  might  command  the 
obedience  of  his  followers,  was  not  likely  to  gain 
their  hearty  good  will.  These  faults  were  prob- 
ably inherent  in  the  constitution  of  his  mind  ;  but, 
whatever  may  have  been  their  origin,  they  were 
fatal  in  their  consequences. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  179 

On  the  other  hand,  his  capacity  for  Lrge 
designs,  and  for  devising  the  methods  and  pro- 
curing the  resources  to  carry  them  forward,  has 
few  parallels  among  the  most  eminent  discoverers. 
He  has  been  called  the  Columbus  of  his  age ; 
and  if  his  success  had  been  equal  to  his  ability 
and  the  compass  of  his  plans,  this  distinction 
might  justly  be  awarded  to  him.  As  in  great 
battles,  so  in  enterprises  of-  this  kind,  success 
crowns  the  commander  with  laurels,  defeat  covers 
him  with  disgrace,  and  perhaps  draws  upon  him 
the  obloquy  of  the  world,  although  he  may  have 
fought  as  bravely  and  mana3uvred  as  adroitly  in 
one  case  as  the  other.  Fortune  turns  the  scale, 
and  baffles  the  efforts  of  human  skill  and  prowess. 
In  some  of  the  higher  attributes  of  character, 
such  as  personal  courage  and  endurance,  un- 
daunted resolution,  patience  under  trials,  and 
perseverance  in  contending  with  obstacles  and 
struggling  through  embarrassments  that  might 
appal  the  stoutest  heart,  no  man  surpassed  the 
Sieur  de  la  Salle.  Not  a  hint  appears  in  any 
writer,  that  has  come  under  notice,  wliich  casts  a 
shade  upon  his  integrity  or  honor.  Cool  and 
intrepid  at  all  times,  never  yielding  for  a  moment 
to  despair,  or  even  to  despondency,  he  bore  the 
heavy  burden  of  his  calamities  manfully  to  the 
end,  and  his  Hopes  expired  only  with  his  last 
breath.     To  him   must    be    mainly  ascribed  the 


180  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY.  ■ 

J 

discovery  of  the   vast  regions  of  the  Mississippi 
Valley,  and  the  subsequent  occupation  and  settle-  j 

ment   of   them    by   the    French ;    and   his    name  ' 

justly    holds    a    prominent    place   among   those  i 

which   adorn    the    history    of  civihzation    in  the  | 

new  world.  ' 


APPENDIX. 


No.  I. 

LETTERS    PATENT 

Granted  by  the    King  of  France  to   the  Sieur 
DE  LA  Salle,  on  the  12th  of  May,  1678. 

TRANSLATION. 

Louis,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  France  and 
of  Navarre.  To  our  dear  and  vvell-beloved  Robert 
Cavelier,  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  greeting. 

We  have  received  with  favor  the  very  humble 
petition,  which  has  been  presented  to  us  in  your 
name,  to  permit  you  to  endeavor  to  discover  the 
western  part  of  our  country  of  New  France;  and 
we  have  consented  to  this  proposal  the  more  willinor- 
ly,  because  there  is  nothing  we  have  more  at  heart 
than  the  discovery  of  this  country,  through  which  it  is 
probable  that  a  passage  may  be  found  to  Mexico;  and 
because  your  diligence  in  clearing  the  lands  which 
we  granted  to  you  by  the  decree  of  our  council  of 
the  13th  of  May,  1G75,  and,  by  Letters  Patent  of  the 
same  date,  to  form  habitations  upon  the  said  lands, 
and  to  put  Fort  Frontenac  in  a  good  state  of  defence, 


182  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

the  seigniory  and  government  whereof  we  likewise 
granted  to  you,  affords  us  every  reason  to  hope  that 
you  will  succeed  to  our  satisfaction,  and  to  the  ad- 
vantage of  our  subjects  of  the  said  country. 

For  these  reasons,  and  others  thereunto  movinor  us, 
we  have  permitted,  and  do  hereby  permit  you,  by 
these  presents,  signed  by  our  hand,  to  endeavor  to 
discover  the  western  part  of  our  country  of  New 
France,  and,  for  the  execution  of  this  enterprise,  to 
construct  forts  wherever  you  shall  deem  it  neces- 
sary; which  it  is  our  will  that  you  shall  hold  on  the 
same  terms  and  conditions  as  Fort  Frontenac,  agree- 
ably and  conformably  to  our  said  Letters  Patent  of 
the  13th  of  May,  1675,  which  we  have  confirmed, 
as  far  as  is  needful,  and  hereby  confirm  by  these 
presents.  And  it  is  our  pleasure  that  they  be  exe- 
cuted accordinor  to  their  form  and  tenor. 

To  accomplish  tliis,  and  everything  above  men- 
tioned, we  give  you  full  powers ;  on  condition,  how- 
ever, that  you  shall  finish  this  enterprise  within  five 
years,  in  default  of  which  these  presents  shall  be  void 
and  of  none  effect ;  that  you  carry  on  no  trade  what- 
ever with  the  savages  called  Outaouacs,  and  others 
who  bring  their  beaver  skins  and  other  peltries  to 
Montreal ;  and  that  the  whole  shall  be  done  at 
your  expense,  and  that  of  your  company,  to  which 
we  have  granted  the  privilege  of  the  trade  in  buffalo 
skins.  And  we  call  on  the  Sieur  de  Frontenac,  our 
Governor  and  Lieutenant-General,  and  on  the  Sieur 
du  Chesneau,  Intendant  of  Justice,  Police,  and  Fi- 
nance, and  on  the  ofiicers  who  compose  the  supreme 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  183 

council  in  the  said  country,  to  afTix  their  sicniatures 

to  these  presents;    for  such  is  our  pleasure.     Given 

at  St.  Germain  en  Laye,  this  12th  day  of  May,  1G78, 

and  of  our  reign  the  thirty-fiftii. 

Signed, 

LOUIS. 
And  lower  down. 

By  the  King, 

Colbert. 

And  sealed  with  the  great  seal  of  yellow  wax. 

The   act  of  the  Governor,  attached  to  these  pres- 
ents, is  dated  the  5th  of  November,  1678. 


No.  II. 

MEMOIR 

Concerning    Louisiana,    ascribed   to   the   Count 

DE  Vergennes. 

A  volume  was  published  at  Paris,  in  the  year 
1802,  containing  a  Memoire  liistoriqiie  ct  politique 
siir  la  Louisianc,  the  authorship  of  which  is  as- 
cribed, by  the  anonymous  editor,  to  the  Count  de 
Vergennes,  and  it  has  since  passed  under  his  name. 
The  reasons  assigned  by  the  editor  for  supposing  it 
to  have  been  written  by  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  are, 
that  "  many  phrases  contained  in  the  introduction 
addressed  to  the  King,  the  discovery  of  the  Memoir 
amoncr  his  papers  with  his  arms  stamped  upon  it,  the 


184  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Style,  the   thoughts,  all  go  to  prove  that  he  was  the 
author."     Whatever  force  there  may  be  in  these  rea 
sons,  it  is  certain  that  the  substance  of  the  Memoir 
itself  must  utterly  destroy  their  weight. 

A  large  part  of  the  Memoir  is  devoted  to  an  his- 
torical account  of  Louisiana,  from  the  time  of  its 
first  settlement.  The  accuracy  or  value  of  tliis  ac- 
count we  need  not  stop  to  examine.  The  main 
purpose  of  the  writer  is  to  suggest  a  scheme  for  the 
recovery  of  the  lost  dominion  of  France  in  North 
America. 

By  the  treaty  of  1763,  France  had  ceded  to  Great 
Britain  the  whole  of  Canada,  and  all  its  dependencies, 
except  the  small  islands  of  St.  Pierre  and  Miquilon, 
which  were  retained  as  fishing  grounds,  and  had  re- 
nounced her  former  pretensions  to  Nova  Scotia.  By 
another  treaty  she  had  ceded  to  Spain  the  whole  of 
Louisiana.  Now,  it  is  the  project  of  the  writer  of  this 
Memoir,  that  Spain  siiall  give  back  Louisiana,  and  that 
Great  Britain  shall  restore  Canada ;  and,  as  far  as  can 
be  discovered,  these  cessions  were  to  be  considered  as 
mere  acts  of  grace,  since  no  equivalents  are  proposed. 
It  is  true,  he  recommends  that  France  should  cede 
to  Great  Britain  the  northern  parts  of  New  York, 
which  she  never  possessed,  and  the  territory  between 
the  Allegany  Mountains  and  the  Ohio  River,  which 
she  likewise  never  possessed,  and  which,  with  the 
whole  country  as  far  as  the  Mississippi,  she  had  con- 
firmed to  Great  Britain  by  the  treaty  of  17G3.  Can 
any  one  believe,  that  such  crude  reveries  ever  en- 
tered the  head  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  or  of  any 
other  statesman? 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  185 

The  Memoir  bears  no  date,  but  internal  evidence 
shows  it  to  have  been  written  in  177G,  or  the  year 
following.  At  this  time  it  is  well  known  that  the 
Count  de  Verorennes,  so  far  from  seekinji  to  necfotiate 
cessions  of  territory,  was  expecting  and  urging  a  war 
between  France  and  Great  Britain,  and  was  at  the 
head  of  the  party,  which  proposed,  at  an  early  day, 
that  France  should  join  the  United  States  in  their 
struggle  for  independence.  In  the  month  of  August, 
1770,  he  read  a  memoir  to  the  King  in  Council,  the 
object  of  which  was  to  prove  that  the  honor  and  in- 
terest of  France  required  the  government  to  espouse 
the  cause  of  the  Americans,  and  to  brino-  on  a  war 
with  England.  It  is,  moreover,  well  known  that  it 
was  not  the  policy  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  nor 
of  the  French  court,  even  after  the  treaty  of  alliance 
with  the  United  States,  to  recover  Canada.  A  con- 
trary policy  was  pursued,  both  in  principle  and  prac- 
tice, during  the  whole  war.  This  fact  is  confirmed 
by  the  official  correspondence  of  the  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes. Aside  from  the  absurdity  of  such  a  project, 
therefore,  as  that  of  procuring  a  cession  of  Louisiana 
and  Canada  without  equivalents,  or  even  with  such 
equivalents  as  France  could  give,  an  absurdity  of 
which  the  Count  de  Vergennes  could  certainly  never 
have  been  guilty,  the  scheme  itself  of  recovering 
Canada  on  any  terms  is  at  variance  with  all  his 
public  acts  at  the  time,  and  with  his  policy,  as  ex- 
plained in  his  communications  to  the  court,  and  in. 
his  correspondence  on  American  affiiirs. 


186  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

No.    III. 

•     PARALLEL    PASSAGES 

•From  Le  Clercq  and  Hennepin,  showing  the 
Sources  of  Hennepin's  Account  of  a  Voyage 
DOWN  TUE   Mississippi. 

It  has  been  stated  in  the  text,  that  Hennepin's 
description  of  a  voyage  made  by  him  down  the  Mis- 
sissippi is  a  fabrication,  and  that  he  drew  his  materials 
from  the  book  published  by  Le  Clercq,  six  years  be- 
fore the  publication  of  Hennepin's  work  containing 
an  account  of  his  pretended  discovery  of  the  month 
of  that  river.  As  a  proof  of  this  fact,  the  following 
extracts  are  selected  from  these  two  books.  The 
references  are  to  Le  Clercq' s  Etabllssemcnt  dc  la 
Foij,  Paris,  1G91 ;  and  to  the  Amsterdam  edition  of 
Hennepin's  Nouvclle  Decouvcrte,  published  in  1098. 
The  orthography  and  punctuation  are  exactly  copied. 
The  first  extract  relates  to  the  Akansas  Indians. 

Le  Clercq.  "  Ces  Sauvages  ne  ressemblent  pas 
a  ceux  du  Nord  qui  sont  tous  d'une  humeur  triste  & 
severe.  Ceux-cy  sont  beaucoup  mieux  faits,  honnestes, 
liberaux,  &  d'une  humeur  gaye,  la  jeunesse  mcme  est 
si  modeste,  que  quoy  qu'ils  eussent  une  forte  envie 
devoir  le  sieur  de  la  Salle,  ils  sc  tenoient  sans  bruit  a 
la  porte,  &l  sans  oser  y  entrer.  Nous  y  vimes  grand 
nombre  de  poules  domestiques,  des  troupeaux  de  poul- 
Icts  d'Indes;  &  d'Oatardes  familiers,  diverses  sortes 
de  fruits,  des  pesches  deja  formees  sur  les  arbres, 
quoy  qu'on  ne  fut  encore  qu'au  commencement  de 
Mars."    Tome  II.  p.  2-24 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  187 

Hennepin.  "  Ces  Sauvages  sont  fort  dififerens  de 
ceux  du  Nord,  qui  out  ordiiiairement  I'humeur  triste, 
morne,  &/  severe.  Ceux-ci  sont  beaucoup  mieux  faits, 
honestes,  liberaux,  &  fort  gais.  Leur  jeunes  gens 
sont  si  modestes,  qu'ils  n'oseroient  parler  devant  les 
Vicillards,  a  moins  qu'on  ne  les  interroge.  Nous  ap- 
percumes  parmi  ces  peuples  des  poules  domestiques, 
des  poules  d'Inde  en  grand  nombre,  &l  des  Outardes 
apprivoisees,  comme  les  Oyes  en  Europe.  Leurs  Ar- 
bres  commenyoient  doja  a,  montrer  leurs  fruits,  comme 
les  pesches,  &  autres  fruits  de  cette  nature."     p.  259. 

The  following  extract  relates  to  the  country  of  the 
Taensas,  on  the  bank  of  the  river  below  the  Akansas. 
It  is  to  be  observed,  that  the  Recollect  represents  his 
voyage  to  have  occurred  in  the  same  season  of  the 
year  as  that  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  that  is,  in  the 
month  of  March,  so  that  vegetation,  fruits,  and  the 
scenery  of  nature,  would  be  in  the  same  condition, 
and  have  the  same  appearance. 

Le  Clercq.  *'  Tout  ce  pais  est  garni  de  Palmiers, 
de  Lauriers  de  deux  sortes,  de  Pruniers,  de  Peschers, 
de  Meuriers,  de  Pommiers,  de  Poiriers  de  toutes  sortes 
d'especes.  II  y  a  aussi  des  Noyers  de  cinq  ou  six 
sortes,  dont  quelques-uns  portent  des  noix  d'une 
grosseur  extraordinaire.  L'on  nous  fit  goiiter  de 
plusieurs  natures  de  fruits  sees  que  nous  trouvames 
fort  bons,  &  gros.  Ton  y  voit  aussi  de  beaucoup 
d'autres  especes  d'arbres  fruitiers  dont  je  n'ai  point 
vu  en  Europe,  la  saison  trop  peu  avancee  ne  nous 
permit  pas  d'en  reconnoistre  les  fruits,  nous  y  remar- 
quames  des  vignes  qui  avoient  passees  leur  fleur,  au 
reste  I'esprit  &   I'humeur   de   ces  peuples  nous  parut 


188  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

docile,  &  traitable,  &>  meme  capable  de  raison " 
Tome  II.  p.  229. 

Hennepin.  "  Ce  pays-la.  est  rempli  de  palmiers,  de 
lauriers  sauvages,  &  de  plusieurs  autres  Arbres  qui 
sont  semblables  aux  notres  de  I'Europe,  comme  de 
pruniers,  de  meuriers,  de  pechers,  de  poiriers,  de 
pomiers  de  toutes  especes.  II  y  a  de  cinq  ou  six 
sortes  de  noiers,  dont  les  noix  sont  d'une  grosseur 
extraordinaire.  lis  ont  aussi  plusieurs  fruits  sees,  qui 
sont  fort  gros,  &,  que  nous  trouvames  fort  bons.  II  y 
a  encore  plusieurs  Arbres  fruitiers,  que  nous  n'avons 
poient  en  Europe.  Mais  la  saison  etoit  alors  trop  peu 
avancee  pour  en  reconnoitre  le  fruit:  Nous  y  vimes 
des  vignes,  qui  etoient  prestes  a  fleurir.  En  un  mot 
I'esprit  &  I'humeur  de  ce  peuple  nous  parurent  fort 
agreables.  lis  sont  dociles,  traitables,  &  capables  de 
raison."     p.  264. 

AVe  now  approach  the  mouth  of  the  river.  It  is 
remarkable  th:it  a  drum  should  be  heard,  and  that 
fishermen  and  dead  bodies  should  be  seen  by  the 
Recollect,  in  the  same  places  in  which  they  were 
heard   and  seen  by  La  Salle  two  years   afterwards. 

Le  Clercq.  "  Apres  avoir  navige  quarante  lieues, 
nous  apperyumes  des  pescheurs  sur  le  bord  du  Fleuve 
qui  prirent  la  fuite  &l  aussi-tost  apres  Ton  entendit  des 
Sasacoijest,  c'est-a-dire  des  cris  de  guerre,  &  battre  )e 

Tambour,  c'estoit   la   Nation  des  Quinipissa 

Nous  entrames  dans  un  Village  desTangibao  qui  avoit 
este  sacage  &  pille  tout  recemment,  nous  y  trouvames 
trois  cabannes  reraplics  d'hommcs  morts  depuis  envi- 
ron 15.  ou  IG.  jours.  Enfin  apres  une  navigation 
d'environ  40.  lieues,  nous  arrivames  le  6.  Avril  a  une 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  189 

pointe  ou  le  Fleuve  se  divisoit  en  Irois  chenaux 

Ces  trois  chenaux  estoient  beaux  &  profonds,  I'eau 
estoit  Somate  au  bout  de  deux  lieues  nous  la  trou- 
vames  tout-a-fait  sallee,  &  avancans  toujours,  nous 
decouvrions  la  pleine  Mer."     Tome  II.  p.  235. 

Hennepin.  "  Apres  avoir  encore  navige  pendant 
pres  de  trente  cinq  ou  quarante  lieues,  nous  apper- 
9umes  deux  pecheurs  sur  la  rive  du  Fleuve,  lesquels 
prirent  la  fuite.  Quelque  temps  apres  nous  entendi- 
mes  quelques  cris  de  guerre,  &  selon  toutes  les  appa- 
rences  le  bourdonnement  de  quelque  tambour.  Nous 
apprimes  depuis,  que  c'etoit  la  Nation  de  Quinipis- 

sa Nous  debarquames  fort  tard  dans  un  Village 

sur  le  bord  du  Fleuve.  On  nous  a  dit  depuis,  que 
c'etoit  la  Nation  des  Tangihao.  II  y  a  tons  les  sujets 
du  monde  de  croire,  que  ces  derniers  avoient  ete  sac- 
cagez  par  leurs  Ennemis.  Nous  trouvames  dans  leurs 
Cabannes  dix  hommes  tuez  a  coup  de  fieches  .... 
Nous  embarquames  a  la  petite  pointe  du  jour  &  apres 
une  navigation  qui  fut  encore  plus  longue  que  celle 
du  jour  precedent,  nous  arrivames  a  une  pointe,  ou  le 
Fleuve  se  divise  en  trois  Canaux.  Nous  passames  en 
diligence  par  celui  du  milieu,  qui  etoit  tres-beau  & 
fort  profond ;  L'eau  y  etoit  Somache,  oia  a  demi  salee 
&  trois  ou  quatre  lieiies  plus  avant  nous  la  trouvames 
entierement  salee.  Poussant  encore  un  peu  plus  avant 
nous  decouvrimes  la  Mer."     p.  270. 

Le  Clercq.  "  Cette  embouchure  est  eloio-nee 
d'environ  30  lieues  de  Rio  Brave,  de  60.  de  Rio,  de 
Palmas  &,  de  90,  ou  100  lieues  de  Rio  de  Panuco  ou 
est  la  plus  prochaine  habitation  des  Espagnols  sur  la 
cote.     Nous  estimions  la   Baye   du    Samt  Esprit   au 


190  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Nord-est  de  nostre  embouchure;  nous  somnies  lou- 
jours  allez  depuis  la  riviere  des  Illinois  au  Sud,  & 
Sud  Oijest,  le  Fleuve  serpente  un  pen,  conserve  jus- 
ques  a  la  Mer  sa  largeur  de  pres  d'un  quart  de  lieue, 
est  fort  profond  par  tout  sans  aucun  banc,  ny  rien  qui 
empesche  la  navigation,  quoy  que  Ton  aye  public  au 
contraire.  On  estime  ce  Fleuve  de  huit  cens  lieues 
de  profondeur,  nous  en  avons  fait  pour  le  moins  trois 
cens  cinquanie  depuis  I'embouchure  de  la  riviere  de 
Seignelay."     Tome  11.  p.  23S. 

Hennepin.  "  Cette  embouchure  de  Meschasipi  est 
elognee  d'environ  trente  lieiies  de  Rio  hravo,  de  soix- 
ante  lieiies  de  Palnias,  de  80.  ou  100.  lieijes  de  Rio  de 
Panuco  sur  la  cote  la  plus  prochaine  des  habitations 
des  Espagnols.  Suivant  cela  nous  avons  juge  par  le 
moien  de  la  boussole,  qui  nous  a  toujours  ete  fort 
necessaire  pendant  toute  notre  Decouverte,  que  la 
Baye  du  St.  Esprit  etoit  au  Nord-Est  de  cette  em- 
bouchure. Pendant  toute  notre  route  depuis  I'em- 
bouchure de  la  Riviere  des  Illinois,  qui  entre  dans 
Meschasipi,  nous  avons  presque  toujours  navige  au 
Sud,  &  au  Sud-OiJest  jusques  a  la  Mer.  Ce  Fleuve 
serpente  en  plusieurs  endroits,  &l  il  est  presque  par 
tout  d'une  lieije  de  largeur.  II  est  fort  profond,  & 
n'a  point  de  bancs  de  fable.  Rien  n'en  empeche  la 
navigation,  &  les  Navires  meme  les  plus  considerables 
peuvent  y  entrer  sans  peine.  On  estime,  que  ce 
Fleuve  a  plus  de  huit  cent  lieiies  d'etendue  dans  les 
terres  depuis  sa  Source  jusques  a  la  Mer,  en  y  com- 
prenant  les  detours,  qu'il  fait  en  serpentant.  Son 
embouchure  est  a  plus  de  trois  cent  quarante  lieiies 
de  celle  de  la  Riviere  des  Illinois."     p.  274. 


ROBERT     DE     LA.     SALLE.  191 

In  returning  up  the  river,  the  Recollect  draws  as 
copiously  from  the  same  source.  But  we  need  not 
follow  him  further.  One  or  two  extracts  more  will 
show,  that  he  relied  also  on  Le  Clercq  for  his  general 
descriptions. 

Le  Clercq.  "  Q,uand  on  est  arrive  20,  ou  30  lieu- 
es  au  dessous  des  Maroa,  les  bordages  sont  pleins  de 
Cannes  jusques  a  la  Mer,  a  la  reserve  de  15  ou  20 
endroits,  ou  il  y  a  de  fort  jolis  coteaux  &l  des  dc- 
barqucmens  commodes  &  spatieux,  I'inondation  ne 
s'etend  pas  bien  loin,  &  derriere  ces  bordages  noyez 
I'on  decouvre  les  plus  beaux  pais  du  monde.  Nos 
chasseurs  Francois  &l  Sauvaores  en  estoient  charmez. 
L'espace  de  200  lieues  au  moins  en  longueur,  &  au- 
tant  en  largeur,  comme  Ton  nous  en  a  asseure,  sont 
de  vastes  campagnes  de  tres-bonnes  terres  bordees  par 
endroits  de  coteaux  tres-acjreables,  de  bois  de  haute 
futaye,  de  plusieurs  bocages  ou  Ton  peut  aller  a 
cheval,  tant  les  chemins  sont  nets,  &  nullement  em- 
barassez,  ces  petites  forests  bordent  de  meme  les 
rivieres  qui  coupent  ces  campagnes  en  divers  lieux, 
&  sont  fort  poissoneuses,  les  Crocodils  y  sont  dange- 
reux,  si  bien  qu'on  n'oseroit  s'exposer  en  de  certains 
endroits,  ny  meme  sortir  sa  main  hors  du  Canot.  Les 
Sauvages  nous  ont  dit  que  ces  animaux  entrainoient 
souvent  de  leurs  gens,  quand  ils  pouvoient  les  attraper 
par  quelque  endroit.  Les  Campagnes  sont  pleines  de 
toutes  sortes  ^e  gibiers,  de  bceufs  sauvages,  cerfs, 
biches,  chevreijils,  ours,  poulles  d'Inde,  perdris,  per- 
roquets,  cailles,  becasses,  tourtes,  pigeons  ramiers,  il 
y  a  aussi  des  Castors,  des  Loutres,  des  Martres,  dea 


19^  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

chats  Saiivages,  jusques  a  100.  lieues  au  dessous  des 
Maroa."     Tome  II.  p.  249. 

Hennepin.  ''Quand  on  est  arrive  a  20.  ou  39. 
lieues  au  dessous  des  Maroa,  les  bords  de  ce  Fleuve 
Meschasipi  sont  pleins  de  Cannes  jusques  a  la  Mer. 
On  trouve  cependant  environ  trente  ou  quarante  en 
droits,  oil  il  y  a  de  tres  beaux  coteaux  avec  des  de- 
barquements  commodes  &  spatieux.  L'inondation  du 
Fleuve  ne  s'etend  pas  bien  loin,  &  derriere  ces  bords 
noiez,  on  decouvre  les  plus  beaux  pays  du  monde 
pendant  la  longuer  de  deux  cens  lieiies.  Nous  ne 
pouvions  nous  lasser  de  les  admirer.  On  nous  a 
assure,  qu'en  largeur  ce  sont  de  vastes  Campagnes, 
ou  on  trouve  des  terres  admirables  bordees  de  fois  a 
autre  par  des  coteaux  extremement  agreables,  par  des 
bois  de  haute  futaie,  &  par  plusieurs  bocages,  ou  Ton 
peut  aller  commodement  a  cheval,  par  ce  que  les 
chemins  sont  fort  nets,  &  qu'on  n'y  trouve  aucun 
embarras.  Ces  petites  forets  bordent  tout  de  meme 
les  Rivieres,  qui  coupent  ces  Campagnes  en  divers 
lieux,  &  qui  sont  fort  abondantes  en  Poisson,  de 
meme  que  le  Fleuve  Meschasipi.  Au  reste  les  Cro- 
codiles y  sont  fort  a  craindre,  quand  on  se  neglige. 
Les  Sauvages  disent,  qu'ils  entrainent  par  fois  ceux 
de  leurs  gens,  qu'ils  peuvent  surprendre.  Cependant 
cela  arrive  assez  rarement,  car  apres  tout  il  n'y  a  point 
d'animal,  quclque  feroce  qu'il  soit,  qui  ne  craigne 
riiomme.  Les  Campagnes  de  ces  va^es  pays  sont 
pleines  de  toute  sorte  de  gibier  &  de  Venaison.  On 
y  trouve  des  Taureaux  Sauvages,  des  Cerfs,  des  Che- 
vreiiils,  des  Ours,  des  poules  d'Inde,  des  perdrix,  des 
Cailles,  des  perroquets,  des  becasses,  des  Tourterelles, 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  193 

des  pitreons  ramiers,  dcs  Castors,  des  Loutres,  des 
Martres,  &  des  Cats  suavages,  pendant  plus  de  cent 
cinquante  lieues."     p.  295. 

We  will  close  our  extracts  with  a  description  of  the 
opossum,  an  American  animal,  which  was  then  a  nov- 
elty to  the  European  travellers. 

Le  Clercq.  "  11  y  a  un  autre  petit  animal  sembla- 
ble  a  un  rat  mais  aussi  gros  qu'un  chat  qui  a  le  poil 
argentc  mesle  de  noir,  sa  queue  est  sans  poil  grosse 
comme  un  gros  doigt  &  environ  d'un  pied  de  lon- 
gueur, avec  laquelJe  il  se  suspend  quand  il  est  aux 
branches  des  arbres  il  a  une  espece  de  sac  sous  le 
ventre  ou  il  porte  ses  petits  quand  on  le  poursuit." 
Tome  II.  p.  253. 

HENNEPm.  "  II  y  a  un  petit  animal,  dont  j'ay  deja 
fait  mention  en  passant,  qui  est  assez  semblable  a  un 
Rat  pour  La  figure.  II  est  aussi  gros  qu'un  chat,  &, 
a  le  poil  argente,  raesle  de  noir.  Sa  queiie  est  sans 
poil  grosse  comme  un  bon  doit,  environ  d'un  pied  de 
longueur,  de  laquelle  il  se  sert*  pour  se  pendre  aux 
branches  d' Arbres.  II  a  sous  le  ventre  une  espece  de 
Sac,  dans  lequel  il  porte  ses  petits,  quand  on  le  pour- 
suit."     p.  297. 

In  addition  to  the  account  of  his  pretended  voyage 
up  and  down  the  Mississippi  River,  Hennepin  devotes 
nearly  four  chapters  of  his  work  to  a  description  of 
the  country   along   its   banks,  the  rivers  flowing  into 
it,  the  manners  of  the  inhabitants,  productions  of  the 
soil,  animals,  mines  of  lead  and  coal,  and  other  nat- 
ural objects,  which  he  likewise  copies  in  many  parts - 
from  the  same  author.     By  the  above  references,  the- 
reader  may  easily  pursue  the  parallel. 
VOL.    I.  13 


194  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 


No.  IV. 

PROCJES    VERBAL 

Of  the  taking  Possession  of  Louisiana,  at  the 
Mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  by  the  Sieur  de 
LA  Salle,  on  the  9th  of  April,  lC85i.* 

Jaques  de  la  Metairie,  Notary  of  Fort  Fron- 
tenac  in  New  France,  commissioned  to  exercise  the 
said  function  of  Notary  during  the  voyage  to  Louis- 
iana in  North  America  by  M.  de  la  Salle,  Governor 
of  Fort  Frontenac  for  the  King,  and  commandant  of 
the  said  Discovery  by  the  commission  of  his  Majesty 
given  at  St.  Germain,  on  the  12th  of  May,  1678. 

To  all  those  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come, 
greeting  ;  —  Know,  that,  having  been  requested  by  the 
said  Sieur  de  la  Salle  to  deliver  to  him  an  act,  signed 
by  us  and  by  the  witnesses  therein  named,  of  posses- 
sion by  him  taken  of  the  country  of  Louisiana,  near 
the  three  mouths  of  the  River  Colbert,  in  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico,  on  the  9th  of  April,  16S2. 

In  the  name  of  the  most  high,  mighty,  invincible, 
and  victorious  Prince,  Louis  the  Great,  by  the  Grace 
of  God,  Kino-  of  France  and  of  Navarre,  Fourteenth 

*  This  curious  and  important  historical  document  has 
never  been  printed.  The  translation  here  given  is  made 
from  the  original,  contained  in  tlie  archives  of  the  Marine 
Department  at  Paris.  The  proper  names  remain  precisely  aa 
tliey  are  found  in  tlie  manuscript,  although  the  orthography 
of  several  of  them  is  different  from  that  which  was  afler- 
•vards  adopted. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     bALLE  195 

of  that  name,  and  of  his  heirs,  and  the  su(5cessor  of 
his  crown,  we,  tlie  aforesaid  Notary,  have  delivered 
the  said  act  to  the  said  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  the  tenor 
whereof  follows. 

On  the  27th  of  December,  1G81,  M.  de  la  Salle  de- 
parted on  foot  to  join  M.  de  Tonty,  who  had  pre- 
ceded liim  with  his  followers  and  all  his  equipage 
forty  leagues  into  the  Miamis  country,  where  the  ice 
on  the  River  Chekngou,  in  the  country  of  the  Mas- 
coutens,  had  arrested  his  progress,  and  where,  when 
the  ice  became  stronger,  they  used  sledges  to  drag 
the  baggage,  the  canoes,  and  a  wounded  Frenchman, 
through  the  whole  length  of  this  river,  and  on  the 
Illinois,  a  distance  of  seventy  leagues. 

At  leno-th,  all  the  French  beingj  tocrether,  on  the 
25th  of  January,  1682,  we  came  to  Pimiteoui.  From 
that  place,  the  river  being  frozen  only  in  some  parts, 
we  continued  our  route  to  the  River  Colbert,  sixty 
leagues,  or  thereabouts,  from  Pimiteoui,  and  ninety 
leaorues,  or  thereabouts,  from  the  villao-e  of  the  Illi- 
nois.  We  reached  the  banks  of  the  River  Colbert 
on  the  6th  of  January,  and  remained  there  until  the 
13th,  waiting  for  the  savages,  whose  progress  had 
been  impeded  by  the  ice.  On  the  13th,  all  having 
assembled,  we  renewed  our  voyage,  being  twenty-two 
French,  carrying  arms,  accompanied  by  the  Reverend 
Father  Zenobe  Membre,  one  of  the  Recollect  Mis- 
sionaries, and  followed  by  eighteen  New  England 
savages,  and  several  women,  Ilgonquines,  Otchipoises, 
and  Huronnes. 

On  the  14th,  we  arrived  at  the  village  of  Maroa, 
consistinor  of  a   hundred  cabins,  without  inhabitants. 


196  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Proceedincr  about  a  hundred  leagues  down  the  River 
Colbert,  we  went  ashore  to  hunt  on  the  26th  of 
February.  A  Frenchman  was  lost  in  the  woods, 
and  it  was  reported  to  M.  de  la  Salle,  that  a  large 
number  of  savages  had  been  seen  in  the  vicinitv. 
Thinking  that  they  might  have  seized  the  Frenchman, 
and  in  order  to  observe  these  savages,  he  marched 
through  the  woods  during  two  days,  but  without  find- 
ing them,  because  they  had  all  been  frightened  by 
fhe  guns  which  they  had  heard,  and  had  fled. 

Returning  to  camp,  he  sent  in  every  direction 
French  and  savages  on  the  search,  with  orders,  if  they 
fell  in  with  savages,  to  take  them  alive  without  in- 
jury, that  he  might  gain  from  them  intelligence  of 
this  Frenchman.  Gabriel  Barbie,  with  two  savages, 
having  met  five  of  the  Chikacha  nation,  captured  two 
of  them.  They  were  received  with  all  possible  kind- 
ness, and,  after  he  had  explained  to  them  that  he 
was  anxious  about  a  Frenchman  who  had  been  lost, 
^nd  that  he  only  detained  them  that  he  might  rescue 
him  from  their  hands,  if  he  was  really  among  them, 
and  afterwards  make  with  them  an  advantao-eous 
peace,  (the  French  doing  good  to  everybody,)  they* 
assured  him  that  they  had  not  seen  the  man  whom 
we  sought,  but  that  peace  would  be  received  with  the 
greatest  satisfaction.  Presents  were  then  given  to 
them,  and,  as  they  had  signified  that  one  of  their 
villages  was  not  more  than  half  a  day's  journey  dis- 
tant, M.  de  la  Salle  set  out  the  next  day  to  go 
thither  ;  but,  after  travelling  till  night,  and  having 
remarked  that  they  often  contradicted  themselves  in 
their    discourse,  he    declined   going   farther,    without 


ROBERT     DE    LA     SALLE.  197 

more  provisions.  Having  pressed  them  to  tell  the 
truth,  they  confessed  tliat  it  was  yet  four  days'  jour- 
ney to  their  villages;  and,  perceiving  that  M.  de  la 
Salle  was  angry  at  having  been  deceived,  they  pro- 
posed that  one  of  them  should  remain  with  him,  while 
the  other  carried  the  news  to  the  village,  whence  the 
elders  would  come  and  join  them  four  days'  journey 
below  that  place.  The  said  Sieur  de  la  Salle  returned 
to  the  camp  with  one  of  these  Chikachas ;  and  the 
Frenchman,  whom  we  sought,  having  been  found,  he 
continued  his  voyage,  and  passed  the  river  of  the 
Chepcntias,  and  the  village  o/  the  Metsigaineas. 
The  fog,  which  was  very  thick,  prevented  his  find- 
ing the  passage  which  led  to  the  rendezvous  proposed 
.by  the  Chikachas. 

On  the  12th  of  March,  we  arrived  at  the  Kapaha 
village  of  Akansa.  Having  established  a  peace  there, 
and  taken  possession,  we  passed,  on  the  15th,  another 
of  their  villages,  situate  on  the  border  of  their  river, 
and  also  two  others,  farther  off  in  the  depth  of  the 
forest,  and  arrived  at  that  of  Imaha,  the  largest  village 
in  this  nation,  where  peace  was  confirmed,  and  where 
the  chief  acknowledged  that  the  village  belonged  to 
his  Majesty.  Two  Akansas  embarked  with  M.  de  la 
Salle  to  conduct  him  to  the  Talusas,  their  allies,  about 
fifty  leagues  distant,  who  inhabit  eight  villages  upon 
the  borders  of  a  little  lake.  On  the  19lh,  we  passed 
the  villages  of  Tourika,  Jason,  and  Kouera;  but,  as 
they  iid  not  border  on  the  river,  and  were  hostile  to 
the  Akansas  and  Taensas,  we  did  not  stop  there. 

On  the  20th,  we  arrived  at  the  Taensas,  by  whom 
we  were  exceedingly  well  received,  and  supplied  with 


198  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

a  large  quantity  of  provisions.  M.  de  Tonty  passed 
a  niglit  at  one  of  their  villages,  wliere  there  were 
about  seven  hundred  men  carrying  arms,  assembled 
in  the  place.  Here  again  a  peace  was  concluded. 
A  peace  was  also  made  with  the  Koroas,  whose  chief 
came  there  from  the  principal  village  of  the  Koroas, 
two  leagues  distant  from  that  of  the  Natches.  The 
two  chiefs  accompanied  M.  de  la  Salle  to  the  banks 
of  the  river.  Here  the  Koroa  chief  embarked  with 
him,  to  conduct  him  to  his  village,  where  peace  was 
again  concluded  with  this  nation,  which,  besides  the 
five  other  villages  of  which  it  is  composed,  is  allied 
to  nearly  forty  others.  On  the  31st,  we  passed  the 
villacre  of  the  Oumas  without  knowinor  it,  on  account 
of  the  fog,  and  its  distance  from  the  river. 

On  the  3d  of  April,  at  about  ten  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  we  saw  among  the  canes  thirteen  or  fourteen 
canoes.  M.  de  la  Salle  landed,  with  several  of  his 
people.  Footprints  were  seen,  and  also  savages,  a 
little  lower  down,  who  were  fishing,  and  who  fled 
precipitately  as  soon  as  they  discovered  us.  Others 
of  our  party  then  went  ashore  on  the  borders  of  a 
marsh  formed  by  the  inundation  of  the  river.  M.  de  la 
Salle  sent  two  Frenchmen,  and  then  two  savao-es,  to 
reconnoitre,  who  reported  that  there  was  a  village  not 
far  off,  but  that  the  whole  of  this  marsh,  covered  with 
canes,  must  be  crossed  to  reach  it ;  that  they  had  been 
assailed  with  a  shower  of  arrows  by  the  inhabitants  of 
the  town,  who  had  not  dared  to  enfrajie  with  them  in 
the  marsh,  but  who  had  then  withdrawn,  although 
neither  the  French  nor  the  savacres  with  them  had 
fired,  on  account  of  the  orders  they  had  received  not 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  l99 

to  act  unless  in  pressing  danger.  Presently  we  heard 
a  drum  beat  in  the  vilhige,  and  the  cries  and  howlings 
with  whicli  these  barbarians  are  accustomed  to  make 
attacks.  We  waited  three  or  four  hours,  and,  as  we 
could  not  encamp  in  this  marsh,  and  seeing  no  one, 
and  no  longer  hearing  anything,  we  embarked. 

An  hour  afterwards,  we  came  to  the  village  of 
Maheouala,  lately  destroyed,  and  containing  dead 
bodies  and  marks  of  blood.  Two  leacrues  below  this 
place  we  encamped.  We  continued  our  voyage  till 
the  6th,  when  we  discovered  three  channels  by  which 
the  River  Colbert  discharges  itself  into  the  sea.  We 
landed  on  the  bank  of  the  most  western  channel,  about 
three  leagues  fron*  its  mouth.  On  the  7th,  M.  de  la 
Salle  went  to  reconnoitre  the  shores  of  the  neio-hbor- 
ing  sea,  and  M.  de  Tonty  likewise  examined  the  great 
middle  channel.  They  found  these  two  outlets  beau- 
tiful, large,  and  deep.  On  the  Sth,  we  reascended  the 
river,  a  little  above  its  confluence  with  the  sea,  to  find 
a  dry  place,  beyond  the  reach  of  inundations.  The 
elevation  of  the  North  Pole  was  here  about  twenty- 
seven  degrees.  Here  we  prepared  a  column  and  a 
cross,  and  to  the  said  column  were  affixed  the  arms 
of  France,  with  this  inscription ; 

LOUIS  LE   GRAND,  ROI   DE   FRANCE   ET  DE    NA- 
VARRE, REGNE ;  LE  NEUVIEME  AVRIL,  1682. 

The  whole  party,  under  arms,  chanted  the  Te  Deum^ 
the  Exaucliat,  the  Domine  salvum  fac  Rcgem;  and 
then,  after  a  salute  of  firearms  and  cries  of  Vive  le 
Roit  the  column  was  erected  by  M.  de  la  Salle,  who, 
standing  near  it,  said,  with  a  loud  voice,  in  French;  — 


200  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

"  In  the  name  of  the  most  high,  mighty,  invincible, 
and  victorious  Prince,  Louis  the  Great,  by  the  Grace 
of  God  King  of  France  and  of  Navarre,  Fourteenth 
of  that  name,  this  ninth  day  of  April,  one  thousand 
six  hundred  and  eighty-two,  I,  in  virtpe  of  the  com- 
mission of  his  Majesty  which  I  hold  in  my  hand,  and 
which  may  be  seen  by  all  whom  it  may  concern,  have 
taken,  and  do  now  take,  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty 
and  of  his  successors  to  the  crown,  possession  of  this 
country  of  Louisiana,  the  seas,  harbors,  ports,  bays, 
adjacent   straits;    and    all    the   nations,  people,    prov- 
inces, cities,  towns,  villages,  mines,  minerals,  fisheries, 
streams,  and   rivers,  comprised  in  the   extent  of  the 
said  Louisiana,  from  the  mouth  o&  the  great  river  St. 
Louis,  on   the    eastern    side,    otherwise   called   Ohio, 
Alighin,    Sipore,  or    Chukagona,    and   this   with    the 
consent   of   the    Chaouanons,    Chikachas,    and   other 
people   dwelling   therein,  with   whom  we  have  made 
alliance;  as  also  along  the  River  Colbert,  or  Missis- 
sippi,  and  rivers  which  discharge  themselves  therein, 
from  its  source  beyond  the  country  of  the  Kious  or 
Nadouessious,  and  this  with  their  consent,  and  with 
the    consent   of  the   Motantees,  Ilinois,  Mesigameas, 
Natches,  Koroas,   which    are   the   most    considerable 
nations  dwelling   therein,  with    whom    also   we    have 
made     alliance    either    by    ourselves,    or    by    others 
in   our    behalf;*    as  far   as  its  mouth  at  the  sea,  or 

*  There  is  an  obscurity  in  tliis  enumeration  of  places  and 
Indian  nations,  which  may  be  ascribed  to  an  ignorance  of  the 
geography  of  the  country ;  but  it  seems  to  be  the  design  of  the 
Sieur  de  la  Salle  to  take  possession  of  the  v/hole  territory 
watered  by  the  Mississippi  from  its  mouth  to  its  source,  and  by 
ihe  streams  flowing  into  it  on  both  sides. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  201 

Gulf  of  Mexico,  about  the  twenty-seventh  degree 
of  the  elevation  of  the  North  Pole,  and  also  to  the 
mouth  of  the  River  of  Palms ;  upon  the  assurance, 
which  we  have  received  from  all  these  nations,  that 
we  are  the  first  Europeans  who  have  descended  or 
ascended  the  said  River  Colbert ;  hereby  protesting 
against  all  those,  who  may  in  future  undertake  to 
invade  any  or  all  of  these  countries,  people,  or  lands, 
above  described,  to  the  prejudice  of  the  right  of  his 
Majesty,  acquired  by  the  consent  of  the  nations  herein 
named.  Of  which,  and  of  all  that  can  be  needed,  I 
hereby  take  to  witness  those  who  hear  me,  and  demand 
an  act  of  the  Notary,  as  required  by  law." 

To  which  the  whole  assembly  responded  with  shouts 
of  Vive  le  Roi,  and  with  salutes  of  firearms.  More- 
over, the  said  Sieur  de  la  Salle  caused  to  be  buried  at 
the  foot  of  the  tree,  to  which  the  cross  was  attached,  9 
leaden  plate,  on  one  side  of  which  were  engraved  the 
arms  of  France,  and  the  following  Latin  inscription. 

LVDOVICVS  MAGNVS  RE  GNAT. 
NONO  APRILIS  CIO  IOC  LXXXII. 
ROBERTVS  CAVELIER,  CVM  DOxMINO  DE  TONTY, 
LEGATO,  R.  P.  ZENOBIO  MEMBRE,  RECOLLECTO, 
ET  VIGINTI  GALLIS,  PRIMVS  HOC  FLVMEN.  INDE 
AB  ILINEORVM  PAGO,  ENAVIGAVIT,  EJVSQVE 
OSTIVM  FECIT  PERVIVM,  NONO  APRILIS  ANNI 
CIO   IOC   LXXXII. 

After  which,  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  said,  that  his 
Majesty,  as  eldest  son  of  the  Church,  would  annex  no 
country  to  his  crown,  without  makincr  it  his  chief  care 
to  establish   the  Christian    religion  therein,  and  that 


202  AMCRICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

its  symbol  must  now  be  planted ;  which  was  accord- 
ingly done  at  once  by  erecting  a  cross,  before  which 
the  Vcxilla  and  the  Dominc  salvum  fac  Rcgcm  were 
sung.  Whereupon  the  ceremony  was  concluded  with 
cries  of  Vive  le  Roi. 

Of  all  and  every  of  the  above,  the  said  Sieur  de  la 
Salle  having  required  of  us  an  instrument,  we  have 
delivered  to  him  the  same,  signed  by  us,  and  by  the 
undersigned  witnesses,  this  ninth  day  of  April,  one 
thousand  six  hundred   and    eighty-two. 

La  Metairie, 

Notary. 

De  la  Salle. 

P.  Zenobe,  Recollect y  Missionary. 

Henry  de  Tonty. 

Francois  de  Boisroxdet. 

Jean  Bourdon. 

Sieur  d'Autray. 

Jaques  Cauchois. 

Pierre  You. 

GiLLEs  Meucret. 

Jean  Michel,  Surgeon. 

Jean  Mas. 

Jean  Dulignon. 

Nicolas  de  la  Salle. 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  203 

No.  V. 

PETITION 
Of  the   Chevalier  de  Tonty  to  the   Count  de 

PONTCHARTRAIN,    MINISTER    OF    MaRINE.* 

Monseigneur, 
Henry  de  Tonty  humbly  represents  to  your  High- 
ness, that  he  entered  the  military  service  as  a  cadet, 
and  was  employed  in  that  capacity  in  the  years  1668 
and  1669;  and  that  he  afterwards  served  as  a  midship- 
man four  years,  at  Marseilles  and  Toulon,  and  made 
seven  campaigns,  that  is,  four  on  board  ships  of  war, 
and  three  in  the  galleys.  While  at  Messina,  he  was 
made  a  captain,  and,  in  the  interval,  lieutenant  of 
the  first  company  of  a  regiment  of  horse.  When  the 
enemy  attacked  the  post  of  Libisso,  his  right  hand 
was  shot  away  by  a  grenade,  and  he  was  taken  pris- 
oner, and  conducted  to  Metasse,  where  he  was  de- 
tained six  months,  and  then  exchanged  for  the  sons 
of  the  governor  of  that  place.  He  then  went  to 
France,  to  obtain  some  favor  from  his  Majesty, 
and  the  King  granted  him  three  hundred  livres.  He 
returned  to  the  service  in  Sicily,  made  the  campaign 
as  a  volunteer  in  the  galleys,  and,  when  the  troops 
were  discharged,  being  unable  to  obtain  the  employ- 
ment he  solicited  at  court,  on  account  of  the  general 

*  This  paper  is  translated  from  the  original,  deposited  in 
the  archives  of  the  Marine  Department  at  Paris.  It  is  without 
date,  but  was  probably  written  at  Quebec  in  the  year  1G90. 
Frontenac  was  at  that  time  Governor-General  of  Canada. 


204  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

peace,  he  decided,  in  1G78,  to  join  the  late  Monsieur 
de  la  Salle,  in  order  to  accompany  him  in  the  dis- 
coveries of  Mexico,  during  which,  until  16S2,  he  was 
the  only  officer  who  did  not  abandon  him. 

These  discoveries  being  finished,  he  remained,  in 
1G83,  commandant  of  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois; 
and,  in  16S4,  he  was  there  attacked  by  two  hundred 
Iroquois,  whom  he  repulsed,  with  great  loss  on  their 
side.  During  the  same  year,  he  repaired  to  Quebec, 
under  the  orders  of  M.  de  la  Barre.  In  16S5,  he 
returned  to  the  Illinois,  accordincr  to  the  orders  which 
he  received  from  the  court,  and  from  M.  de  la  Salle, 
as  a  captain  of  foot  in  a  Marine  Detachment,  and 
governor  of  Fort  St.  Louis.  In  1G86,  he  went,  with 
forty  men  in  canoes,  at  his  own  expense,  as  far  as 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  to  seek  for  M.  de  la  Salle.  Not 
being  able  to  find  him  there,  he  returned  to  Montreal, 
and  put  himself  under  the  orders  of  Monsieur  Denon- 
ville,  to  engage  in  the  war  with  the  Iroquois.  At  the 
head  of  a  band  of  Indians,  in  1G87,  he  proceeded 
two  hundred  leagues  by  land,  and  as  far  in  canoes, 
and  joined  the  army,  when,  with  these  Indians  and  a 
company  of  Canadians,  he  forced  the  ambuscade  ot 
the  Tsonnonthouans. 

The  campaign  being  over,  he  returned  to  the  Illi- 
nois, whence  he  departed,  in  1GS9,  to  go  in  search 
of  the  remains  of  M,  de  la  Salle's  colony;  but,  being 
deserted  by  his  men,  and  unable  to  execute  his  design, 
he  was  compelled  to  relinquish  it,  when  he  had 
arrived  within  seven  days'  march  of  the  Spaniards. 
Ten  months  were  spent  in  going  and  returning.  As 
he  now  finds  himself  without  employment,  he  prays 


ROBERT     DE     LA     SALLE.  205 

that,  in  consideration  of  his  voyages  and  heavy  ex- 
penses, and  considering  also,  that,  during  his  service 
of  seven  years  as  captain,  he  has  not  received  any 
pay,  your  highness  will  be  pleased  to  obtain  for  him 
from  his  Majesty  a  company,  with  which  he  may  con- 
tinue his  services  in  this  country,  where  he  has  not 
ceased  to  harass  the  Iroquois,  by  enlisting  the  Illinois 
against  them  in  his  Majesty's  cause. 

And  he  will  continue  his  prayers  for  the  health  of 
your  highness. 

Henry  de  Tonty. 

Nothincr  can  be  more  true  than  the  account  given 
by  the  Sieur  de  Tonty  in  this  petition;  and  should 
his  Majesty  reinstate  the  seven  companies,  which 
have  been  disbanded  in  this  country,  there  will  be 
justice  in  granting  one  of  them  to  him,  or  some  other 
recompense  for  the  services  which  he  has  rendered, 
and  which  he  is  now  returning  to  render,  at  Fort  St. 
Louis  of  the  Illinois. 

Frontenac. 


LIFE 


OF 


PATRICK      HENRY, 


BY 


ALEXANDER  H.  EVERETT,  Lii.  D. 


PATRICK    HENRY. 


CHxiPTER  I. 


Birth  and  Parentage.  —  Education,  —  Commences 
Business  as  a  Merchant.  —  Fails,  and  attempts 

•  Agriculture.  —  Secorid  unsuccessful  Attempt  in 
Trade. — Marriage.  —  Admitted  to  the  Bar. 

Patrick  Henry  is,  in  more  than  in  one  par- 
ticular, among  the  most  remarkable  characters 
of  the  revolutionary  period  of  our  history.  He 
is  declared  by  Jefferson  to  have  been  ''  the 
greatest  orator  that  ever  hved,"  and  "  the  person 
who,  beyond  all  question,  gave  the  first  impulse 
to  the  movement,  which  terminated  in  the 
revolution."  Whatever  exaggeration,  if  any, 
may  be  supposed  to  have  crept  into  these 
sweeping  statements,  it  is  certain  that  the  merits 
and  services  which  had  power  to  call  them 
forth  from  such  a  quarter,  must  have  been  of 
no  ordinary  kind. 

Indeed,  the    accounts    that   have   been    trans* 

VOL.  I.  14 


210  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY 

mitted  to  us  of  the  actual  effects  of  his  elo- 
quence upon  the  minds  of  his  hearers,  though 
resting  apparently  on  the  best  autiiority,  seem 
almost  fabulous,  and  certainly  surpass  any  that 
we  have  on  record  of  the  results  produced  by  the 
most  distinguished  orators  of  ancient  or  modern 
Europe.  Something  must  probably  be  allowed 
for  the  excited  imagination  of  the  authors  of 
these  accounts ;  but  the  necessity  for  making 
this  allowance  proves,  of  itself,  the  extent  to 
which  Henry  possessed  what  may  be  regarded 
as  the  essence  of  the  highest  kind  of  eloquence, 
and  powers  of  strongly  exciting  the  imagination 
of  his  hearers. 

His  claim  to  the  honor  of  having  given  the 
first  impulse  to  the  revolutionary  movement,  is 
a  question  hardly  susceptible  of  a  satisfactory 
solution,  since  no  event,  prior  to  tlie  battle  of 
Lexington  and  the  declaration  of  independence, 
was  so  decidedly  different  in  character  from  a 
variety  of  others  occurring  at  about  the  same 
time,  as  to  merit,  in  contradistinction  from  them, 
the  praise  of  being  the  first  step  in  the  progress 
of  the  revolution.  It  is  certain,  however,  that, 
in  .one  of  the  two  leading  colonies,  during  the 
period  immediately  preceding  the  revolution, 
Henry  was  constantly  in  advance  of  the  most 
ardent  patriots,  and  that  he  suggested  and  car- 
ried   into   effect,  by   his    immediate  personal  in- 


PATRICK     HENRY.  211 

fluence,  measures  that  were  opposed  as  premature 
and  violent  by  all  the  other  eminent  supporters 
of  the  cause  of  liberty.  It  was  the  good  fortune 
of  Henry  to  enjoy,  during  iiis  lifetime,  the 
appropriate  reward  of  his  extraordinary  merits, 
and  the  almost  unbounded  admiration  and  re- 
spect of  his  countrymen. 

By  general  acknowledgment,  the  greatest  orator 
of  his  day;  elevated  by  his  transcendent  talents 
to  a  sort  of  supremacy  in  the  deliberative  as- 
sembhes  of  which  he  was  occasionally  a  member, 
and  the  courts  of  justice  in  which  he  exercised 
his  profession ;  clothed,  v/henever  he  chose  to 
accept  them,  with  the  highest  executive  functions 
in  the  gift  of  the  people  ;  happy  in  his  domes- 
tic relations  and  private  circumstances,  —  his 
career  was  one  of  almost  unbroken  prosperity. 
He  has  also  been  eminently  fortunate  in  the 
manner  in  which  the  history  of  his  life  has  been 
written.  While  the  recollection  of  his  elo- 
quence and  the  admiration  of  his  character  were 
still  fresh  in  the  minds  of  numerous  surviving 
contemporaries,  the  task  of  collecting  and  record- 
ing the  expressions  of  them,  which  were  circu- 
lating in  conversation,  or  merely  ephemeral  notes, 
was  undertaken  by  one  whose  kindred  eloquence 
and  virtues  rendered  him  on  every  account  the 
fittest  person  to  do  justice  to  the  subject.  In  the 
following  sketch,  I  can  claim    little  other  merit, 


212  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

than  that  of  condensing,  with  perhaps  some  few 
not  very  important  modifications  and  additions, 
the    glowing   biography    of  Wirt. 

The  gifted  author  is  represented,  on  the  same 
high  authority  alluded  to  above,  that  of  Jeffer- 
son, as  having  been  at  times  led  by  the  enthu- 
siasm with  which  he  entered  into  his  subject, 
to  the  verge  of  fiction.  Let  us  also  apply  to  his 
work  the  title  which  the  great  German  poet, 
Goethe,  prefixed  to  his  own  autobiography,  — 
Poetry  and  Truth.  The  narrative  carries  with  it 
unquestionable  evidence  of  authenticity,  as  well 
in  the  known  character  of  the  writer  as  in  the 
authorities  that  are  cited  in  support  of  every 
important  statement,  while  it  is  written  with 
so  much  warmth  and  elegance,  that  it  possesses, 
throughout,  all  the  charm  of  poetry,  and  perhaps 
produces,  at  times,  a  similar  illusion.  Although 
some  few  passages  are  a  little  too  highly  colored 
for  the  eye  of  good  taste,  there  are  few  persons 
of  eminence,  who,  after  reading  the  whole, 
would  not  feel  the  wish  which  Queen  Katharine, 
in  the  play,  expressed  in  regard  to  her  attendant, 
Griftith,  that  they  might  find  themselves  as  fond 
and  faithful  a  chronicler. 

The  family  of  Patrick  Henry  was  of  Scottish 
origin.  His  father,  John  Henry,  was  a  native 
of  Aberdeen  ;  and  he  numbered  among  his  family 
connections    some    of   the    distinguished    literary 


PATRICK     HENRY,  213 

men  of  the  day,  having  been  a  nephew,  in  the 
maternal  Hne,  to  the  historian  Robertson,  and 
cousin  to  David  Henry,  the  brother-in-law  to 
Edward  Cave,  and  his  successor  in  the  conduct 
of  the  Gentleman's  Magazine.  John  Henry 
emigrated  to  Virginia  some  time  before  the  year 
1730.  He  is  said  to  have  enjoyed  the  friendship 
and  patronage  of  Dinwiddie,  afterwards  governor 
of  the  colony,  who  introduced  him  to  the  elder 
Colonel  Syme,  of  Hanover  county.  In  the 
family  of  the  latter,  Henry  became  domesticated, 
and,  after  the  death  of  the  colonel,  married  his 
widow,  and  resided  on  the  estate.  He  appears 
to  have  enjoyed  much  consideration  among  his 
fellow-citizens,  having  been  colonel  of  his  regi- 
ment, principal  surveyor  of  the  county,  and,  for 
many  years,  presiding  magistrate  of  the  county 
court.  Some  years  after  his  emigration,  his 
brother  Patrick,  a  clergyman  of  the  Church  of 
England,  followed  him  to  Virginia,  and  became, 
by  his  influence,  minister  of  St.  Paul's  parish  in 
Hanover,  a  place  which  he  filled  through  life 
with  high  distinction.  Both  the  brothers  were 
conspicuous  for  their  loyalty  to  the  king  and 
attachment  to  the  church. 

The  widow  of  Colonel  Syme,  who  became, 
as  has  been  said,  the  wife  of  John  Henry  and 
the  mother  of  Patrick,  was  a  native  of  Hanover 
county,   and   a  daughter  of  the  family  of  Win- 


214  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

stoiij  one  of  the  most  respectable  in  the  col- 
ony. So  far  as  the  eloquence  of  Patrick  Henry 
may  be  supposed  to  have  been  in  any  degree 
hereditary,  it  seems  to  have  been  transmitted  to 
him  through  the  maternal  line.  His  mother  is 
represented  as  having  been  remarkable  for  a 
fluent  and  easy  elocution,  and  her  brother,  Judge 
Winston,  was  declared  by  a  contemporary,  who 
knew  him  well,  to  have  been  the  greatest  orator 
whom  he  hcul  ever  heard,  Patrick  Henry  alone 
excepted.  When  the  militia  of  Virginia  were 
ordered,  soon  after  Braddock's  defeat,  to  the 
frontiers,  the  company  to  which  Winston  be- 
longed, and  of  which  he  was  lieutenant,  were 
so  much  disheartened  by  the  severity  of  the 
service,  that  they  were  on  the  point  of  breaking 
out  into  mutiny,  when  Winston,  by  a  well-timed 
stump  speech,  succeeded  in  restoring  order,  and 
inspired  them  with  so  much  enthusiasm,  tliat  they 
called  upon  tlieir  officers  to  lead  them  at  once 
against  the  enemy. 

It  ap})ears,  from  these  statements,  that  the 
family  of  Patrick  Henry  was  among  the  most 
distinguished  in  thiC  colony.  He  was  the  second 
of  nine  children,  and  was  born  on  the  29th  of 
May,  1736,  at  the  family  seat  in  Hanover  county, 
called  Studley.  His  father  removed,  not  long 
after,  to  another  seat  in  tlie  same  county,  then 
called  Mount  Brilliant,  and  now  the  Retreat ;  and 


PATRICK      fl  E  x\  R  Y  .  215 

it  was  here  that  Patrick  was  educated.     The  fam- 
ily, though  evidently  in  easy  circumstances,  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  wealthy.     The  father  had 
opened  a 'grammar  school  in  his  own  house;  and 
Patrick,    after    having  acquired  the   elements  of 
learning  at  an  infant  school  in  the  neiirhborhood, 
was  taken  home,  at  ten  years  of  age,  to  continue 
his  studies.     Under  his   father's    tuition,   he   ob- 
tained some    little    smattering  of  the  Latin    lan- 
guage   and    of    mathematics.       He    had    no    in- 
clination   whatever    for    book    learning.     As    the 
disciphne  of  such  a  school  was  not  likely  to  be 
severe,  he  seems  to  have  indulged,  without  much 
restraint,  his  taste    for   rural    sports    and    solita- 
ry  rambles    through  the    neighboring   fields    and 
forests.     At   this  period,  he   showed  no  sign   of 
the  high  intellectual  qualities  for  which    he  was 
afterwards    distinguished.      His  personal  appear- 
ance   and    manners  were    coarse    and   awkward, 
his    dress    neglected,    and    his  faculties  entirely 
obscured  by  habitual  indolence.     In  mixed  com 
panics,    he    contributed    little    or  nothing  to   the 
conversation,  but   is  said   to  have    listened    with 
attention,   and  to  have   been   able  afterwards    to 
repeat  much  of  what  had  been  said,  with  intelli- 
gent comments  on  the  characters  of  the  speakers. 
This  is  the  only    particular  in  his  youthful  hab- 
its that    has    since    been    recollected,    as    having 
indicated  in  any  degree  his  future  superioiity. 


216  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Finding  him  wholly  indisposed  for  literary  and 
professional  pursuits,  his  father  undertook  to 
establish  him  in  trade ;  and,  after  placing  him 
for  a  year  in  the  counting-room  of  a  neighboring 
merchant,  furnished  him  and  his  brother  William 
with  a  small  capital,  upon  which  they  commenced 
business.  William,  it  seems,  was  still  more 
indolent'  than  his  brother ;  so  that  the  manage- 
ment of  the  common  concern  devolved  chiefly 
upon  Patrick,  who  displayed  as  little  aptitude  for 
mercantile  affairs  as  he  had  previously  done  for 
study.  The  confinement  which  this  employment 
rendered  necessary  was  irksome  to  him  ;  and,  al- 
though he  was  afterwards  remarked  for  a  rather 
thrifty  disposition  in  his  pecuniary  affairs,  the 
consequence,  probably,  of  early  embarrassments, 
lid  exhibited  at  this  time  an  easiness  of  temper, 
and  a  negligence  in  making  his  bargains,  which 
were  not  favorable  to  the  success  of  the  enter- 
prise. Compelled  to  relinquish  his  habitual 
sports,  he  resorted,  as  a  substitute  for  them,  to 
music,  and  learned  to  play  upon  the  violin  and 
flute. 

He  also  began,  for  the  first  time,  to  show  some 
taste  for  reading  ;  and  exhibited,  •  with  increasing 
distinctness,  the  talent  for  nice  observation  of 
character  which  he  had  shown  in  his  childhood. 
He  encouraged  his  customers,  when  they  met  in 
his  shop,  to  discuss  questions  wliich  he  suggested 


PATRICK     HENRY.  217 

for  their  consideration  ;  and,  without  taking  much 
part  Jiimself  in  the  debate^  derived  his  principal 
amusement  from  comparing  their  habits  of 
thought  and  action,  as  developed  in  the  course  of 
their  respective  remarks.  At  other  times,  he  en- 
tertained them  by  narratives  gathered  from  his 
miscellaneous  reading,  or  framed  by  himself  for 
the  purpose.  In  these  intellectual  exercises  we 
begin  to  perceive  the  first  dawning  of  the  bril- 
liant talents  by  which,  in  after  years,  he  so  often 
entranced  his  audience.  They  seem,  however, 
to  have  had  no  very  favorable  effect  upon  the 
success  of  his  enterprise,  which,  after  the  experi- 
ment of  a  year,  proved  a  failure.  William  re- 
tired at  once  from  the  concern,  while  Patrick 
was  employed  for  two  or  three  years  afterwards 
in  bringing  it  to  a  close  as  well  as  he  could.  In 
the  mean  time,  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  he  had 
married  Miss  Shelton,  the  daughter  of  a  neigh- 
boring farmer,  of  excellent  character,  but  of 
narrow  worldly  fortune. 

Unsuccessful  alike  in  letters  and  in  trade,  the 
future  orator,  or  more  probably  his  friends,  now 
directed  his  attention  to  agriculture.  By  the 
joint  aid  of  the  two  families  the  newly-married 
couple  were  placed  upon  a  small  farm,  from 
which,  with  the  aid  of  one  or  two  slaves,  with 
whom  they  were  also  provided,  they  were  to 
draw,  by  the   sweat  of   their  brows,  the   means 


218  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

of  subsistence.  But  the  indolent  habits,  and 
aversion  to  systematic  labor  of  any  kind,  which 
had  occasioned- the  failure  of  his  former  attempts 
to  effect  a  permanent  establishment,  were  equally 
fatal  to  this.  After  an  experiment  of  two  years, 
he  abandoned  the  plan,  sold  his  property  at 
a  loss  for  cash,  invested  the  proceeds  in  mer- 
chandise, and  once  more  tempted  fortune  in  the 
lottery  of  trade.  In  resuming  his  business  as  a 
merchant,  he  also  resumed  his  former  habits  of 
conducting  it.  He  employed,  as  before,  a  large 
portion  of  his  time  in  conversation  with  his 
customers,  or  in  music  and  light  reading;  and 
he  frequently  closed  his  warehouse  for  the  pur- 
pose of  pursuing  his  favorite  recreations  in  the 
open  air.  Thus  conducted,  it  is  not  very 
singular  that,  after  another  two  years'  trial,  the 
second  experiment  in  trade  ended,  like  the 
former,  in  bankruptcy. 

The  position  of  Henry,  in  a  worldly  view,  was 
now  sufficiently  embarrassing.  He  had  lost  all 
his  little  property,  and  had  no  capacity  for  sup- 
porting his  family  by  any  of  the  usual  profes- 
sions. His  connections  had  done  all  they  could 
for  him.  A  feebler  mind  woidd  have  probably 
sunk  under  this  complication  of  difficulties.  Hen- 
ry, far  from  being  in  any  degree  discouraged,  was 
roused  by  it  to  the  exertions  which  alone  were 
necessary  to  the  development  of  his  splendid  pow- 


PATRICK     HENRY. 


21^ 


ers.  Possessed,  as  he  was  at  this  time,  by  an 
unconquerable  passion  for  amusement,  probably 
nothing  but  absolute  necessity  of  the  most  urgent 
kind  could  have  furnished  the  spur  that  was  want- 
ing to  his  success;  so  that  he  might  afterwards 
have  said,  with  great  propriety,  in  the  words  of 
an  ancient,  "  I  should  have  been  ruined,  if  I  had 
not  been  ruined."  His  biographers  do  not,  how- 
ever, appear  to  have  appreciated  his  character 
with  perfect  correctness,  when  they  attribute 
these  repeated  failures,  in  his  attempts  in  business 
of  diflerent  kinds,  to  mere  indolence.  His  mind, 
was  not  deficient  in  a  principle  of  activity,  but 
at  this  period  it  took  exclusively  the  direction 
of  amusement.  The  indispensable  necessity  of 
pursuing,  with  steady  industry,  the  substantial 
objects  of  life,  had  not  yet  been  brought  home 
to  him,  and  he  yielded  without  resistance  to  the 
promptings  of  his  naturally  exuberant  animal 
spirits.  Even  at  the  lowest  ebb  of  his  Avorldly 
fortunes,  his  disposition  for  sport  and  pleasantry 
remained  unimpaired.  Mr.  Jefferson  saw  him  for 
the  first  time  at  this  period,  and  afterwards  gave, 
in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Wirt,  the  following  account  of 
his  appearance  and  manners.  Henry  was  then 
twenty-four  years  of  age. 

«'My  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Henry  com- 
menced in  the  year  1759-60.  On  my  way  to 
the  college,  I  passed  the   Christmas  holydays  at 


•220  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Colonel  Dandridge's,  in  Hanover,  to  whom  Mr. 
Henry  was  a  near  neighbor.  During  the  festivity 
of  the  season,  I  met  him  in  society  every  day, 
and  we  becan:ie  well  acquainted,  although  I  was 
much  his  junior,  being  then  in  my  seventeenth 
year,  and  he  a  married  man.  His  manners 
had  something  of  coarseness  in  them  ;  his  pas- 
sion was  music,  dancing,  and  pleasantry.  He 
excelled  in  the  last,  and  it  attached  every  one 
to  him.  You  ask  some  account  of  his  mind  and 
information  at  this  period  ;  but  you  will  recollect 
•that  we  were  almost  continually  engaged  in 
the  usual  revelries  of  the  season.  The  occasion, 
perhaps,  as  much  as  his  idle  disposition,  pre- 
vented his  engaging  in  any  conversation,  which 
might  give  the  measure  of  his  mind  or  infor- 
mpition.  Opportunity  was  not,  indeed,  wholly 
wanting,  because  Mr.  John  Campbell  was  there, 
who  had  married  Mrs.  Spotswood,  the  sister  of 
Colonel  Dandridge.  He  was  a  man  of  science, 
and  often  introduced  conversation  on  scientific 
subjects.  Mr.  Henry  had,  a  little  before,  broken 
up  his  store,  or  rather  it  had  broken  him  up; 
but  his  misfortunes  were  not  to  be  traced  either 
in  his  countenance  or  conduct." 

But  though  the  absorbing  passion  for  pleasure, 
which  at  this  time  formed  the  distinguishing 
characteristic  of  Henry's  mind,  had  been  fatal 
to  his  success  in  the  various  employments  which 


PATRICK     HENR^.  221 

he  had  hitherto  attempted,  it  had  not  entirely 
deprived  him  of  proper  intellectual  culture. 
During  his  first  experiment  in  trade,  he  had 
devoted,  as  has  been  said,  a  part  of  his  leisure 
to  light  reading.  In  the  course  of  the  second, 
which  was  of  somewhat  longer  duration,  he  ex- 
tended his  studies  to  subjects  of  a  more  serious 
character,  and  made  himself  familiar  with  geog- 
raphy and  history,  particularly  the  documentary 
and  political  history  of  Virginia.  Multiim,  non 
multa,  (much,  but  not  a  great  many  books.) 
is  the  well-known  rule  for  judicious  and  profit- 
able reading. 

This  rule  was  enforced  upon  Henry  by  the 
circumstances  of  the  times  and  country  in  which 
he  lived.  Cheap  literature  was  not  yet  in 
fashion,  and  in  settlements  so  remote  from  the 
central  points  of  civilization  as  the  interior  of 
Virginia  then  was,  the  supply  of  even  standard 
works  was  not  very  abundant.  A  person  who 
had  acquired  a  taste  for  reading  could  only  gratify 
it  by  repeated  perusals  of  a  few  writers.  The 
historians  of  Greece  and  Rome,  whom  he  read 
in  English  translations,  were  his  favorite  study. 
Livy,  in  particular,  was  a  sort  of  manual  with 
him ;  and  he  subsequently  informed  a  friend,  that, 
in  the  earlier  part  of  his  life,  he  made  it  a  rule 
to  read  the  whole  6i  this  charming  writer  at 
least    as    often    as   once    in    every   year.      The 


2'22  A3IERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Virginian  Demosthenes  was  imitating,  perhaps 
without  knowing  it,  the  example  of  his  great 
prototype,  who  is  said  to  have  copied  the  whole 
of  Thucydides  eight  times  with  his  own  hand. 
The  remarkable  and  significant  fact  just  alluded 
to  shows  the  vigor  with  which  Henry's  naturally 
elevated  mind,  though  incapable  of  binding  itself 
down  to  the  uncongenial  tasks,  which  had  thus 
far  been  presented  to  it,  soared  above  the  sphere 
of  its  habitual  pursuits  and  pleasures  in  search 
of  intellectual  nutriment  suited  to  its  character. 
How  infinitely  preferable  was  this  course  of 
reading,  whether  considered  in  its  effect  on  the 
judgment,  the  feelings,  or  the  taste,  to  the  con- 
fused mass  of  magazines,  reviews,  and  novels, 
that  occupy  the  hours  of  students  of  the 
present  day !  In  the  constant  use  of  this  noble 
manual  we  may,  no  doubt,  trace,  in  no  slight 
degree,  the  energy  of  purpose,  the  high  tone  of 
moral  'sentiment,  the  sound  practical  wisdom, 
in  short,  the  Roman  cast  of  character,  using  the 
phrase  in  the  very  best  sense,  wJiich  marked, 
throughout,  the  course  of  Henry,  and  which,  but 
for  the  fact  just  mentioned,  would  have  been 
unexplained  by  any  known'  circumstances  in  his 
early  pursuits  and  studies.  With  such  training, 
however  irregularly  obtained,  and  with  the 
splendid  capacities,  which  were  yet  to  be  de- 
veloped,   it   only    remained    for  Henry   to   place 


PATRICK     HENRY.  223 

himself  in  a  situation  where  his  talents  would  be 
brought  into  exercise,  in  order  to  assume  at  once 
the  eminent  position  to  which  they  entitled  him. 
The  moment  was,  however,  critical ;  another  mis- 
take in  the  choice  of  a  profession,  like  those 
which  he  had  already  made,  and  ending  in  a 
continuation  of  his  former  ill  success,  would  have 
condemned  him  for  life  to  hopeless  dependence 
and  utter  insignificance.  On  the  contrary,  he 
was  still  young  enough  to  reclaim,  by  a  vigorous 
application  of  his  powers  to  the  uses  for  which 
they  were  intended,  the  time  that  he  had  lost, 
and  to  enter,  with  still  unclouded  prospects  of 
success,  on  the  business  of  life. 

Everything  depended  on  the  course,  which  he 
was  now  to  take ;  and  his  decision  proved  to 
be  a  most  fortunate  one  for  himself  and  his 
country.  Baffled  in  his  efforts  to  provide  for  his 
family  in  any  of  the  less  conspicuous  occupations, 
he  resolved  to  grasp  at  the  highest  and  most 
difficult  of  all,  the  practice  of  law.  It  may  be 
doubted,  however,  whether  his  views,  in  adopting 
the  legal  profession,  went  beyond  the  acquisition 
of  a  moderate  subsistence.  He  was  still  uncon 
scious  of  the  extent  of  his  abilities,  and  may, 
perhaps,  have  been  determined  on  selecting  an- 
other employment,  by  the  fact,  that  he  could 
attempt  the  bar  without  the  necessity  of  a  moneyed 
capital,   rather  than   by  any  anticipation  of  the 


224  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

eminence  which  he  afterwards  acquired.  His 
situation  rendered  it,  of  course,  important  to 
contract  as  much  as  possible  the  time  of  prepa- 
ration. 

Judge  Tyler,  the  father  of  the  present  presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  was  informed  by 
Henry  himself,  that  he  devoted  one  month  only 
to  this  purpose,  during  which  he  read  only  Coke 
upon  Littleton,  and  the  Virginia  statutes.  Mr. 
Jefferson,  who  was  in  the  college  at  Williamsburg 
when  Henry  came  there  to  obtain  his  license, 
was  told  by  himself,  that  he  had  studied  only 
six  weeks.  Other  accounts  fix  the  time  at  six, 
eight,  and  nine  months ;  but  these  variations 
are  of  litde  importance.  It  was  not  unnatural, 
that,  under  tliese  circumstances,  he  should  have 
found  some  difficulty  in  obtaining  the  necessary 
license  from  the  board  of  examiners,  which  ap- 
pears to  have  consisted  of  John  and  Peyton 
Randolph,  Judge  Wythe,  and  Robert  C.  Nicho- 
las, all  of  them  persons  of  superior  talent  and  the 
highest  eminence  in  the  profession.  According 
to  the  account  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  was  on  the 
spot  at  the  time,  and  partially  acquainted  with 
the  circumstances,  though  he  may  not  have  re- 
membered them  so  accurately  as  Henry  himself, 
the  two  Randolphs,  who  were  persons  of  great 
facility  of  temper,  first  consented  to  sign  the 
license,  though   with   great  reluctance.      Wythe 


PATRICK     HENRY.  225 

positively  refused,  and  Nicholas  at  first  declined, 
but  finally,  after  great  importunity  and  promises 
of  future  reading,  gave  his  name,  which  com- 
pleted the  necessary  number. 

In  the  account  given  by  Judge  Tyler  of  a 
conversation  which  he  had  with  Henry  himself 
on  the  same  subject,  he  is  represented  as  having 
said,  that,  after  obtaining  the  signatures  of  two 
of  the  examiners,  he*  presented  himself  to  John 
Randolph,  afterwards  attorney-general  of  the  col- 
ony,, a  profound  lawyer  and  a  finished  gentleman. 
Finding  how  little  he  had  read,  and  not  being 
favorably  impressed  with  his  appearance  and  man- 
ner, Randolph  at  first  refused  to  examine  Henry, 
but  at  length,  on  being  told  that  he  had  already 
obtained  two  signatures,  began  to  interrogate  him, 
though  with  evident  reluctance.  The  replies 
made  by  Henry  satisfied  him  at  once  that  he  was 
no  common  man.  He  then  entered  upon  an  ex- 
amination, which  lasted  several  hours,  embracing 
not  only  the  local  and  colonial  law,  but  the  whole 
field  of  jurisprudence,  in  its  widest  extent,  includ- 
ing the  law  of  nations  and  general  history.  In 
the  course  of  the  examination,  in  order  to  test  the 
logical  ability  of  the  candidate,  Randolph  dis- 
puted some  of  his  positions,  and  drew  him  into 
a  discussion,  at  the  close  of  which  he  admitted 
that  Henry  had  the  best  of  the  argument.  He 
finally  gave  his  signature,  with  the  flattering  re- 

VOL.    I.  15 


226  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

mark,  that  he  would  never  be  deceived  by  appear- 
ances again  ;  and  that,  if  Henry's  industry  should 
be  at  all  proportioned  to  his  genius,  he  would  be- 
come very  shortly  an  ornament  to  his  profession. 

Such  were  the  auspices  under  which  Patrick 
Henry  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  Ignorant,  as  he 
was,  not  only  of  law  as  a  science,  and  of  tJie  most 
familiar  forms  of  its  practical  administration, 
incapable,  as  is  said,  of  drawing  a  declaration  or 
making  a  motion  in  court,  it  is  not  very  wonder- 
ful that  he  obtained  at  first  but  little  employment. 
His  uncle,  Judge  Winston,  states,  that,  during  the 
first  four  years  after  he  received  liis  license,  he 
remained  entirely  undistinguished.  His  circum- 
stances were  extremely  narrow,  and  he  appears 
to  have  resided  the  greater  part  of  tlie  time  with 
his  father-in-law,  Mr.  Shelton,  who  then  kept  a 
tavern  at  Hanover  court-house.  When  Shelton 
was  absent  from  home,  Henry  officiated  in  his 
stead,  and  probably  lent  him  at  other  times  such 
aid  as  was  necessary.  Tliis  fact  accounts  for  the 
statement,  which  has  sometimes  been  made,  and 
which  docs  not  seem  to  be  very  far  from  the 
trutli,  that  he  was,  at  one  period  in  iiis  early  life, 
a  bar-keeper  at  a  tavern. 

The  rumor,  so  far  as  it  is  well  founded,  adds 
another  to  the  numerous  occupations,  through 
which  the  brilliant  orator  was  compelled  to  make 
his  way  to  distinction.     At  length  the  clouds,  tha 


PATRICK     HENRY.  227 

had  so  long  hovered  over  his  prospects,  cleared 
awav.  The  celebrated  Parsons^  Cause,  as  it  is 
still  called  in  Virginia,  afforded  him  tiie  oppor- 
tunity, which  alone  was  wanting,  to  establish 
his  powers,  and  placed  him  at  once  at  the  head 
of  the  profession.   . 


CHxVPTER  II. 


The    Parsons'     Cause. — First  remarJcahle  Exhi- 
bition of  Henry's  JEloqiience. 

The  account  of  the  Parsons'  Cause  is  one  of 
those  passages  in  the  life  of  Henry,  in  w^hich 
poetry  appears  to  be  in  some  degree  mingled 
with  truth  ;  nor  is  it  easy,  with  the  information 
now  before  us,  to  say,  with  entire  certainty,  what 
parts  of  tlie  narrative  appertain  respectively  to 
one  or  the  other  of  these  departments.  The 
particulars  of  the  affair  are  briefly  as  follows. 

The  Parsons'  Cause  was  an  action  brought  by 
the  Rev.  James  Maury,  in  the  county  court  of 
Hanover  county,  against  the  collector  of  taxes  for 
that-  county  and  his  sureties,  for  the  recovery 
of  damages  for  the  non-payment  of  a  certain 
quantity  of  tobacco,  alleged    to   be  due    to  him 


228  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY 

on  account  of  his  salary.  The  claim  was 
founded  in  a  statute  of  the  colony,  originally 
passed  in  the  year  1696,  and  reenacted,  with 
amendments,  in  the  year  174S,  which  fixed  the 
annual  stipend  of  a  parish  minister  at  sixteen 
thousand  pounds  of  tobacco,  and  authorized  him 
to  demand  payment  in  the  article  itself.  He 
was,  of  course,  at  liberty  to  receive  it  in  any 
other  way  that  might  suit  his  convenience.  The 
common  market  price  of  tobacco  had,  for  a  long 
time,  remained  stationary  at  two  pence  the 
pound,  or  sixteen  shilhngs  and  eight  pence  the 
hundred,  and  the  clergy  were  in  the  habit  of 
commuting  the  delivery  of  the  article  in  kind  for 
a  money  payment  calculated  on  this  basis. 

In  the  year  1755,  tlie  crop  of  tobacco  having 
fallen  short,  the  price  rose  to  fifty  or  sixty  shilhngs 
tlie  hundred.  In  order  to  relieve  the  planters 
from  the  effect  of  this  accidental  change  in  the 
value  of  the  article,  the  legislature  passed  an 
act  authorizing  them,  for  the  present  year,  to  pay 
in  money  such  of  these  debts  as  might  be  due 
in  tobacco,  at  the  rate  of  sixteen  shillings  and 
eight  pence  the  hundred.  The  act  was  to  con- 
tinue in  force  for  ten  months,  and  went  into  effect 
immediately,  not  having  contained  the  clause 
which  was  usually  inserted  in  the  acts  of-  the 
colonial  legislature,  suspending  their  operation 
until    they  should  receive  the  royal  assent.     No 


PATRICK     HENRY  229 

opposition  was  made  by  the  clergy  to  tne  execu- 
tion of  this  law,  which  was  regularly  carried 
into  effect  during  the  period  for  which  it  was 
enacted. 

Three  years  afterwards,  in  the  year  1758,  in 
consequence  of  the  probability  of  the  occur- 
rence of  another  short  crop,  the  law  of  1755  was 
reenacted,  and,  as  before,  without  the  clause 
requiring  the  royal  assent.  The  clergy  now 
took  alarm,  and  the  measure  was  attacked  in  a 
vigorous  pamphlet,  entitled  The  Tivo-peimy  Act, 
published  by  the  Rev.  John  Camm,  rector  of 
York-Hampton  parish,  and  Episcopalian  com- 
missary for  the  colony.  He  was  answered  in 
two  pamphlets,  one  written  by  Colonel  Richard 
Bland,  and  the  other  by  Colonel  Landon  Carter, 
in  which  the  commissary  was  treated  without 
much  ceremony.  He  replied  in  a  still  more 
pointed  pamphlet,  entitled  The  Colonels  Dis- 
mounted.  The  colonels  rejoined,  and  a  war  of 
pamphlets  followed,  which  created  a  great  excite- 
ment throughout  the  colony.  The  popular  sen- 
timent appears  to  have  been  adverse  to  the 
pretensions  of  the  clergy,  and  at  length  became 
so  strong,  that  the  printers  within  the  colony 
refused  to  publish  for  them,  so  that  Mr.  Camm 
was  finally  compelled  to  resort  to  Maryland  for 
a  publisher. 

The   pamphlets,  which   were   elicited   by   this 


230  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY.     • 

controversy,  are  still  extant,  and  Mr.  Wirt  re- 
marks, that  "  It  seems  impossible  to  deny,  at 
this  day,  that  the  clergy  had  much  the  best  of 
the  argument."  This,  however,  seems  to  be  a 
merely  technical  view  of  the  subject,  founded  on 
the  idea,  that  the  colonial  laws  were  not  valid 
without  the  royal  assent,  and  that  the  clergy  had, 
of  course,  retained,  throughout  the  whole  affair, 
all  the  rights,  that  were  vested  in  them  by  the 
act  of  1743.  Such,  probably,  was  the  correct 
construction  of  the  law  ;  but  it  seems  to  be  clear, 
that  the  equity  of  the  affair  was  on  the  other 
side,  and  that,  so  far  as  the  argument  turned 
upon  any  other  topic  than  that  of  strict  legal 
right,  the  planters  were  able  to  make  out  a  very 
strong  case.  The  act  of  1748  was  a  liberal  and 
beneficial  statute,  intended  to  secure  the  clergy 
against  the  effect  of  fluctuations  in  the  value  of 
money  ;  and  it  was  hardly  fair  or  honorable  in 
the  clergy  to  take  advantage  of  this  act  of  liber- 
ality in  the  planters,  to  extort  from  them,  in  a 
time  of  scarcity,  triple  the  amount  of  the  usual 
stipend.  If  the  rise  in  the  price  of  tobacco  had 
been  the  effect  of  a  dcpreciaiion  in  the  value  of 
money,  and  had  extended  to  all  other  articles, 
the  equity  would  have  been  with  the  clergy, 
because  they  could  not  have  obtained  the  real 
value  of  their  usual  stipend  without  receiving  it 
in  kind. 


PATRICK      HENRY.  231 

But  as  the  rise  took  place  in  the  article  of 
tobacco  only,  being  the  effect  of  a  short  crop. 
while  the  value  of  money  remained  the  same,  the 
clergy,  by  commuting  the  payment  in  tobacco  for 
a  money  payment  at  the  former  price,  would  have 
received  the  full  amount  of  their  usual  salary, 
and  this  was  all  that  they  could  fairly  claim. 
Mr.  Wirt  remarks,  that  they  could  not  help  ob- 
serving the  benefits  resulting  from  the  act  to 
the  rich  planters,  who  received  fifty  or  sixty 
shillings  the  hundred  for  their  tobacco,  while 
they  were  paying  their  tobacco  debts  at  the 
rate  of  sixteen  shillings  and  eight  pence.  He 
does  not  seem  to  have  recollected,  that  the  rise 
in  the  price  of  tobacco  was  the  effect  of  a  re- 
duction in  the  quantity.  If  the  planter,  by 
selling  a  crop  of  only  a  third  of  the  ordinary 
amount,  for  three  times  the  usual  price,  was  able 
to  avoid  the  injurious  effect  of  a  short  crop,  he 
was  still  in  no  better  condition  than  he  would 
have  been  if  the  rise  had  not  occurred ;  and  if  he 
paid  his  tobacco  debts  in  kind  at  the  existing 
high  prices,  he  sustained  an  actual  loss  equal  to 
two  thirds  of  the  amount  due.  It  was  not  fair,  as 
has  been  remarked,  for  the  clergy  to  extort  this 
difference  under  pretence  of  a  law,  which  the 
planters  had  passed  for  the  relief  and  benefit  of 
the  order.  If,  therefore,  the  law  was  with  the 
clergy,  the  equity  was  clearly  with  the  planters.. 


•232  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

The  legal  objection  to  the  act  of  1748  was  a-so 
one  of  the  narrowest  kind,  and  was,  in  reality, 
scarcely  tenable. 

Admitting,  as  a  general  rule,  that  the  acts 
of  a  colonial  legislature  were  not  valid  without 
the  royal  assent,  it  could  not  well  be  denied, 
that  a  legislature,  situated  at  such  an  immense 
distance  from  the  mother  country,  must  be 
supposed  to  possess  some  discretionary  power 
to  proceed  without  direct  authority  from  home 
in  a  case  of  real  necessity,  and  this  was  ob- 
viously one  of  that  kind.  The  state  of  the 
crop  could  not  be  ascertained  much  in  advance 
of  the  time  when  it  would  be  brought  to  market ; 
and,  in  order  to  meet  the  emergency,  the  law 
must  be  enacted,  and  carried  into  effect,  before, 
in  that  day  of  protracted  voyages  and  slow 
communications,  there  would  be  time  to  submit 
it  to  the  eye  of  majesty.  If  substantial  justice 
required  the  adoption  of  such  a  measure,  and  it 
was  really  impossible,  under  the  circumstances, 
to  have  the  royal  assent,  the  act  miglU  well 
have  been  regarded,  even  without  such  assent,  as 
technically  valid  ;  more  especially  as  the  mutual 
prerogatives  of  the  local  and  imperial  govern- 
ments were  far  from  being  accurately  settled. 
At  all  events,  the  right,  taking  into  view  both 
law  and  equity,  was  by  no  means  so  clearly  on 
the  side    of    the   clergy  as    Mr.  Wirt  represents 


PATRICK     HENRY.  233 

it ;  and  it  is  not  at  all  surprising  that  the  cham- 
pions of  the  planters,  arguing  the  case,  as  they 
probably  did,  chiefly  on  grounds  of  common 
sense  and  substantial  justice,  were  able  to  make 
a  strong  impression  upon  the  minds  of  the 
people. 

The  affair  was  brought  before  the  king  in 
council ;  and  that  body,  sustaining  naturally 
enough  the  construction  of  the  law,  and  favor- 
able to  the  royal  prerogative,  declared  the  act 
of  175S  null  and  void,  for  want  of  the  royal 
assent.  Finding  themselves  supported  in  their 
pretensions  by  this  high  authority,  the  clergy 
undertook  to  enforce  them  by  legal  process,  and 
commenced  a  number  of  suits  for  the  recovery 
of  their  salaries  in  tobacco,  of  which  that  insti- 
tuted by  Maury  was  one.  Another  of  the  same 
kind  was  commenced  in  the  same  county  by  the 
Rev.  Patrick  Henry,  who  has  already  been 
mentioned  as  the  orator's  uncle.  The  fact  that 
Henry  was  not  employed  by  his  uncle  in  this 
interesting  cause  is  a  strong  proof  that  little  was 
yet  expected,  even  by  those  who  knew  him 
best,  and  felt  the  deepest  interest  in  his  welfare, 
from  his  future  efforts  in  his  new  profession. 

The  plaintiff,  in  this  case  of  Maury,  as  I  have 
remarked  before,  founded  his  claim  in  the  statute 
of  1748.  The  defendant  pleaded  specially  that 
of  1758  ;  and  to  this  plea  the  plaintiff  demurred; 


234  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

or,  in  other  words,  replied  that  this  act  could 
not  operate,  in  law,  to  set  aside  the  plaintiff's 
claim ;  first,  because  it  had  not  received  the 
royal  assent,  and,  secondly,  because  it  had  been 
declared  null  and  void  by  the  king  in  council. 
The  legal  question  was  argued  at  the  November 
term  of  the  year  1763,  by  Mr.  Lyons  for  the 
plaintiff,  and  Mr.  John  Lewis  for  the  defend- 
ants, when  the  court,  "  very  much,"  says  Mr. 
Wirt,  '•'  to  the  credit  of  their  candor  and  firm- 
ness, breasted  the  popular  current  by  sustaining 
the  demurrer."  The  clergy,  having  obtained  a 
decision  of  the  court  in  their  favor,  on  the  only 
objection  that  had  been  raised  by  the  planters, 
naturally  considered  their  cause  as  gained.  It 
only  remained  for  a  jury  to  give  the  damages  ; 
but  this  was  reg-arded  as  a  merely  formal  pro- 
ceeding, because  the  amount  was  supposed  to  be 
settled  by  the  statute  of  1748.  The  action  was 
continued  for  this  purpose;  but  the  counsel  for 
the  defendants,  Mr.  Lewis,  viewing  the  only  point 
of  importance  as  settled,  and  his  services  as 
no  longer  necessary,  retired  from  the  case.  It 
was  at  this  stage  in  the  progress  of  the  affair, 
and  in  consequence  of  the  retirement  of  Mr. 
Lewis,  that  Patrick  Henry  was  retained  by  the 
defendants.  Probably  the  case  was  now  sup- 
posed to  have  been  brought  within  so  narrow  a 
compass,  that  it  might   be  safely  intrusted  to  a 


PATRICK     HENRY.  235 

junior  member  of  the  bar,  hitherto  unknown  to 
the  pubhc. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  views  of  the 
defendants  in  retaining  him,  Henry,  on  being 
apphed  to,  consented  to  take  charge  of  the 
affair,  and  to  argue  the  question  of  damages  be- 
fore the  jury.  The  case  came  on  for  trial  on  the 
1st  of  December,  1763,  before  the  county  court, 
in  which  the  father  of  Henry  sat  as  presiding 
magistrate.  The  position  of  the  young  barrister 
was,  in  fact,  a  rather  singular  one.  He  was  to 
speak,  for  the  first  time  in  open  court,  before 
/lis  own  father,  as  presiding  magistrate,  in  a  case 
in  which  the  court  had  already  given  a  de- 
liberate opinion  in  favor  of  the  other  party,  and 
in  which  his  uncle  was  interested  against  him. 

The  excitement  on  the  subject  was  so  great 
throughout  the  colony,  that,  even  at  this  late 
period  in  the  proceedings,  a  large  audience 
attended,  not  only  from  Hanover,  but  from  the 
neighboring  counties.  The  clergy,  in  particular, 
appeared  in  great  force,  and  among  them  came 
the  orator's  uncle.  On  seeing  him  approach, 
Henry  walked  up  to  him,  in  company  with 
Colonel  Meredith,  and  expressed  his  regret  at 
seeing  his  uncle  there.  "Why  so?"  inquired 
the  uncle.  "Because,"  replied  Henry,  "I  fear 
that,  as  I  have  never  yet  spoken  in  public,  I  shall 
be  too  much  overawed  by  your  presence  to  do 


236  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

justice  to  my  clients.  Besides,"  he  added,  '^I 
shall  be  under  the  necessity  of  saying  some  hard 
things  of  the  clergy,  which  it  may  be  unpleasant 
to  you  to  hear."  His  uncle  now  censured  him 
for  having  undertaken  the  case  on  the  side  of 
the  planters,  which  Henry  excused  by  saying 
that  he  had  had  no  ofler  from  the  clergy  ;  and 
that,  independently  of  this,  his  own  heart  and 
judgment  were  on  the  side  of  the  people.  He 
then  requested  his  uncle  to  leave  the  ground. 
"  Why,  Patrick,"  said  the  old  gentleman,  with 
a  good-natured  smile,  ^*  as  to  your  saying  hard 
things  of  the  clergy,  I  advise  you  to  be  cautious, 
as  you  will  be  more  likely  to  injure  your  own 
cause  than  theirs.  As  to  my  leaving  the  ground, 
I  fear,  my  boy,  that,  with  such  a  case  to  defend, 
my  presence  will  do  you  but  little  harm  or  good. 
Since,  however,  you  seem  to  think  otherwise, 
and  desire  it  of  me  so  earnestly,  you.  shall  be 
gratified."  He  then  entered  his  carriage  again, 
and  returned  home. 

This  little  anecdote,  which  I  have  given  nearly 
in  the  words  of  Mr.  Wirt,  is  equally  creditable  to 
both  parties,  and  afibrds  a  pleasing  proof  of  the 
mutual  good  feeling,  which,  under  somewhat 
trying  circumstances,  was  maintained  among  the 
different  members  of  the  family.  It  is  impossible 
to    do   full  justice    to   the  scene    tiiat   followed, 


PATRICK     HENRY.  237 

without  quoting  the   description  of  it  in  the  Ian 
guage  of  tlie  eloquent  biographer. 

"  Soon  after  the  opening  of  the  court,  the 
cause  was  called.  It  stood  on  a  writ  of  inoulrv 
of  damages,  no  plea  having  been  entered  by  the 
defendants  since  the  judgment  on  the  demurrer. 
The  array  before  Mr.  Henry's  eyes  was  now 
most  fearful.  On  the  bench  sat  more  than 
twenty  clergymen,  the  most  learned  men  in  the 
colony,  and  the  most  capable,  as  well  as  the 
severest  critics  before  whom  it  was  possible  for 
him  to  have  made  his  debut.  The  court-house 
was  crowded  wuth  an  overwhelmins:  multitude, 
and  surrounded  with  an  immense  and  anxious 
throng,  who,  not  finding  room  to  enter,  were 
endeavoring  to  listen  without  in  the  deepest 
attention.  But  there  was  something  still  more 
awfully  disconcerting  than  all  this ;  for  in  the 
chair  of  the  presiding  magistrate  sat  no  other 
person  than  his  own  father.  Mr.  Lyons  opened 
the  case  very  briefly.  In  the  way  of  argument 
he  did  nothing  more  than  explain  to  the  jury 
that  the  decision  upon  the  demurrer  had  put  the 
act  of  1758  entirely  out  of  the  way,  and  left  the 
law  of  1748  as  the  only  standard  of  damages. 
He  then  concluded  with  a  highly-wrought  eulo- 
gium  on  the  benevolence  of  the  clergy. 

*'  And  now  came  on  the  first  trial  of  Patrick 
Henry's  strength.  .  No  one  had  ever  heard  him 


233  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

speak,  and  curiosity  was  on  tiptoe.  He  rose 
very  awkwardly,  and  faltered  much  in  his  exor- 
dium. The  people  hung  their  heads  at  so  un- 
promising a  commencement ;  the  clergy  were 
observed  to  exchange  sly  looks  with  each  other, 
and  his  father  is  described  as  having  almost  sunk 
with  confusion  from  his  seat.  But  these  feelings 
were  of  short  duration,  and  soon  gave  place  to 
others  of  a  different  character.  For  now  were 
those  wonderful  faculties  which  he  possessed,  for 
the  first  time,  developed,  and  now  was  first 
witnessed  that  mysterious  and  almost  super- 
natural transformation  of  appearance,  which  the 
fire  of  his  own  eloquence  never  failed  to  work 
in  him.  For,  as  his  mind  rolled  along,  and  began 
to  glow  from  its  own  action,  all  the  exuvice  of 
the  clown  seemed  to  shed  themselves  spon- 
taneously. His  attitude,  by  degrees,  became 
erect  and  lofty.  The  spirit  of  his  genius 
awakened  all  his  features.  His  countenance 
shone  with  a  nobleness  and  grandeur  which  it 
had  never  before  exhibited.  Tliere  was  a  light- 
ning in  his  eyes  that  seemed  to  rive  the  specta- 
tor. His  action  became  graceful,  bold,  and 
commanding ;  and  in  the  tones  of  his  voice,  but 
more  especially  in  his  emphasis,  there  was  a 
peculiar  charm,  a  magic,  rff  which  any  one, 
who  ever  heard  him,  will  speak  as  soon  as  he  is 
named,  but  of  which  no  one  can  give  any  ade- 


PATRICK     HENIIY.  239 

quate  description.  They  can  only  say  that  it 
struck  upon  tlie  ear  and  upon  the  heart,  in  a 
manner  ivhich  language  cannot  tell.  Add  to  all 
these  his  wonder-working  fancy,  and  the  peculiar 
pliraseology  in  wliich  he  clothed  his  images  ;  for 
lie  painted  to  the  heart  with  a  force  tliat  almost 
petrilied  it.  In  tlie  language  of  those  who  heard 
him  on  this  occasion,  '  he  made  their  blood  run 
cold,  and  their  hair  to  rise  on  end.' 

"  It  will  not  be  difficult  for  any  one.  who  ever 
heard  this  most  extraordinary  man,  to  believe 
the  whole  account  of  this  transaction,  which  is 
given  by  his  surviving  hearers  ;  and  from  their 
account  the  court-house  at  Hanover  must  have 
exhibited,  on  this  occasion,  a  scene  as  picturesque 
as  has  ever  been  witnessed  in  real  life.  They 
say  that  the  people,  whose  countenances  had 
fallen  as  he  arose,  had  heard  but  a  very  few 
sentences  before  they  began  to  look  up  ;  then  to 
look  at  eacli  other  with  surprise,  as  if  doubting 
the  evidence  of  their  own  senses ;  then,  at- 
tracted by  some  strong  gesture,  struck  by  some 
majestic  attitude,  fascinated  by  the  spell  of  his 
eye,  the  charm  of  his  ei'iiphasis,  and  the  varied 
and  commanding  expression  of  his  countenance, 
they  could  look  away  no  more.  In  less  than 
twenty  minutes,  they  might  be  seen  in  every  part 
of  the  house,  on  every  bench,  in  every  ,window, 
stooping  forward  from  their  stands,  in  death-like 


'240  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

silence  ;  their  features  fixed  in  amazement  axici 
awe  ;  all  their  senses  listening  and  riveted  npon 
the  speaker,  as  if  to  catch  the  last  strain  of  some 
heavenly  visitant.  Tlie  mockery  of  the  clergy 
was  soon  turned  into  alarm ;  their  triumph  into 
confusion  and  despair ;  and,  at  one  burst  of  his 
rapid  and  overwhelming  invective,  ihei/  fled 
from  the  heiich  in  prccijyitaiion  and  terror.  As 
for  the  father,  such  was  his  surprise,  such  his 
amazement,  such  his  rapture,  that,  forgetting 
where  he  was,  and  the  character  which  he  was 
filling,  tears  of  ecstasy  streamed  down  his 
cheeks,  without  the  power  or  inclination  to  re- 
press them. 

"  The  jury  seem  to  have  been  so  completely 
bewildered  that  they  lost  siglit  not  only  of  the 
act  of  1748,  but  of  that  of  1758  also;  for, 
thoughtless  even  of  the  admitted  right  of  the 
plaintifl',  they  had  scarcely  left  the  bar,  when 
they  returned  with  a  verdict  of  one  ijcnny  dam- 
ages. K  motion  was  made  for  a  new  trial;  but 
the  court,  too,  had  now  lost  the  equipoise  of 
their  judgment,  and  overruled  the  motion  by  a 
unanimous  vote.  The  verdict  and  judgment 
overruling  the  motion  were  followed  by  re- 
doubled acclamations  from  within  and  without 
the  house.  The  people,  who  had  with  difficulty 
kept  their  hands  oft'  their  champion,  from  the 
moment  of  his   closinsr  his  harancrue,   no  sooner 


PATRICK     HENRY.  241 

saAV  the  fate  of  the  cause  finally  sealed,  than 
they  seized  him  at  the  bar,  and,  in  spite  of  his 
own  exertions  and  the  continued  cry  of  '  Order,' 
from  the  sheriff  and  the  court,  they  bore  him 
out  of  the  court-house,  and,  raising  him  on  their 
shoulders,  carried  him  about  the  yard  in  a  kind 
of  electioneering  triumph." 

His  father  is  represented  as  having  been  so 
much  overwhelmed  as  to  lose,  for  the  time,  the 
power  of  expressing  his  feelings.  A  few  days 
after,  in  conversation  with  his  brother-in-law. 
Judge  Winston,  he  alluded  to  the  scene  in  the 
following  simple  terms,  which  contrast  rather 
singularly  with  the  gorgeous  phraseology  of  Mr. 
Wirt.  "  Patrick  spoke  in  this  cause  near  an 
hour,  and  in  a  manner  that  surprised  me.  He 
showed  himself  well-informed  upon  a  subject  of 
which  I  did  not  think  he  had  any  knowledge." 

"  I  have  tried  much,"  continues  Mr.  Wirt,  "  to 
procure  a  sketch  of  this  celebrated  speech.  But 
those  of  Mr.  Henry's  hearers,  who  survive,  seem 
to  have  been  bereft  of  their  senses.  They  can 
only  tell  you,  in  general,  that  they  were  taken 
captive,  and  were  so  delighted  with  their  cap- 
tivity, that  they  followed  implicitly  whithersoever 
he  led  them;  that,  at  his  bidding,  their  tears 
flowed  from  pity,  and  their  cheeks  flushed  with 
indignation  ;  that,  when  it  was  over,  they  felt  as 
if   they   had    just    awaked    from    some    ecstatic 

VOL.    I.  16 


4  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

dream,  of  which  they  were  unable  to  recall  or 
connect  the  particulars.  It  was  such  a  speech  as 
they  believe  had  never  before  fallen  from  the  lips 
of  man ;  and,  to  this  day,  the  old  people  of  that 
county  cannot  conceive  that  a  higher  compliment 
can  be  paid  to  a  speaker,  than  to  say  of  him,  in 
their  own  homely  phrase,  '  He  is  almost  equal 
to  Patrick,  when  he  plead  against  the  parsons.' " 

In  this  account  of  the  cliaracter  and  effect  of 
Henry's  argument,  there  is  obviously  a  large 
mixture  of  the  poetical  element,  carried,  in  fact, 
rather  beyond  the  limits  of  good  taste  in  the 
forms  of  expression.  The  main  facts  are,  how- 
ever, of  such  a  kind,  that  they  cannot  well  have 
been  fabricated  or  misrepresented.  The  verdict 
of  tlie  jury  and  the  opinions  of  the  court  are 
matters  of  record ;  the  eager  attention  of  the 
audience  during  the  argument,  and  the  popular 
triumph  at  the  close,  are  quite  in  accordance  with 
the  general  character  of  the  scene.  The  only 
statement  of  fact  that  wears  a  rather  doubtful 
appearance  is  "  the  flight  of  the  clergy  in  i)re- 
cipitation  and  terror  from  the  bench."  What- 
ever disgust  or  indignation  may  have  been  ex- 
cited in  their  minds  by  the  invectives  of  Henry, 
there  was  no  reason  to  apprehend  any  danger 
to  their  personal  safety. 

The    fact,    probably,    was   that  one    or   more, 
possibly     the    whole     body    of   the    clergy,    on 


PATRICK     HENRY.  243 

ascertaining  the  line  of  argument  which  he  in- 
tended to  pursue,  retired  from  the  bench, 
not  in  terror,  but  from  unwilhngness  to  hstcn 
to  a  furious  attack  on  their  own  order.  The 
irregularity  of  the  proceeding  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  quite  so  great  as  Mr.  Wirt  represents 
it.  He  says,  that  the  subject  of  the  act  of 
1758,  and  the  order  of  council  respecting  it,  had 
been  disposed  of  at  the  preceding  term,  and 
that,  strictly  speaking,  neitlier  Henry  nor  the 
jury  had  any  thing  to  do  with  this  part  of  the 
case  :  that  the  jury,  in  giving  merely  nominal 
damages,  had  lost  sight,  not  only  of  the  act  of 
1758,  but  of  that  of  1748,  and  of  the  admitted 
right  of  the  plaintiff:  and  that  the  court,  in  over- 
ruling the  motion  for  a  new  trial,  shov/ed  that 
"  they  had  lost  the  equipoise  of  their  judgment." 
He  can  only  account  for  such  proceedings  in 
part  by  the  supposed  laxity  of  the  county  court 
practice,  and  in  part  by  the  overwhelming  effect 
of  Henry's  eloquence. 

In  reality,  however,  although  the  court  had 
decided,  at  the  preceding  term,  that  the  demurrer 
was  good  in  law,  it  remained  for  the  jury  to 
settle,  as  a  question  of  fact,  the  amount  of  dam- 
age actually  suffered.  Supposing  the  law  to  be 
with  the  clergy,  substantial  justice  might  still  be 
on  the  other  side ;  and  in  that  case,  the  damage 
sustained  by  the  clergy  was  of  the  kind  described 


24 1  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY 

in  the  books  as  damnum  ahsque  injuria  (damage 
without  injury).  In  such  a  case,  a  verdict  of 
nominal  damages  is  obviously  the  proper  one,  the 
precise  object  of  sucJi  a  verdict  being  to  recognize 
the  existence  of  a  legal  right  on  one  side,  and  an 
equitable  one  on  the  other ;  nor  does  it  appear 
that  the  court  had  any  sufficient  motive  for 
granting  a  new  trial.  The  law  question  had  been 
decided  at  the  preceding  term,  agreeably  to  the 
views  of  the  party  making  the  motion,  and,  of 
course,  did  not  require  to  be  reconsidered.  The 
verdict  of  the  jury,  whether  right  or  v.rong,  was 
within  the  form  of  law,  and  was  liable  to  no 
exception  which  would  justify  an  application  for 
a  new  trial. 

The  case,  as  I  have  remarked  before,  was  a 
good  deal  stronger  against  the  clergy  than  Mr. 
Wirt  is  inclined  to  represent  it,  and  seems,  on 
the  whole,  to  have  been  disposed  of,  at  every 
stage  of  the  proceedings,  in  a  manner  very  cred- 
itable to  the  firmness  and  independence  of  the 
parties  to  whicli  it  was  successively  submitted. 
The  court,  composed  probably  for  the  most 
part  of  planters,  evinced  a  laudable  disinterested- 
ness in  deciding  the  demurrer  against  themselves, 
and  in  favor  of  the  clergy.  The  jury  exhibited 
both  intelligence  and  independence,  in  taking  the 
course  wliich  enabled  them  to  reconcile  substan- 
tial justice  with  the  form  of  law ;  and  the  (*.ourt, 


PATRICK     HENRY.  245 

in  overruling  the  motion  for  a  new  trial,  only 
carried  into  effect  the  common  rules  of  pro- 
ceeding. 

It  is  highly  probable,  that  the  eloquence  of 
Henry  operated  powerfully  on  the  minds  of  the 
court  and  jury,  as  well  as  on  those  of  the 
audience;  but  it  is  certain  that  its  effect  must 
have  been  greatly  heightened  by  the  strong  sym- 
pathy, that  prevailed  throughout  the  community 
with  the  party  which  he  supported,  and  the  uni- 
versal disposition  of  his  hearers  to  receive  with 
favor  everything  that  he  might  say.  AVithout 
intending  any  disparagement  to  his  talents,  we 
may  perhaps  conclude,  with  safety,  that  the 
strong  excitement  which  existed  in  regard  to 
the  question  at  issue  furnishes  the  true  key  to 
the  more  extravagant,  and  otherwise  almost  in- 
credible, incidents  that  marked  the  proceedings 
in  the  trial  of  the  Parsons'  Cause.  While  it  was 
in  Henry  a  strong  proof  of  real  power,  that,  on 
appearing  for  the  first  time  as  an  advocate,  he 
was  able  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  such  a  scene, 
it  was  also  an  instance  of  good  fortune  to  have 
been  called  upon  to  make  his  cUhut  in  a  case  in 
wliich  he  necessarily  carried  with  him  the  full 
current  of  popular  feeling,  and  thus  to  enter, 
under  the  most  favorable  auspices,  upon  his  pro- 
fessional career.  Without  adverting  to  the 
extraordinary    interest    felt   at    the    time    in    this 


246  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

case,  il  would  be  difficult  to  account  for  the 
fact,  that,  in  the  long  course  of  his  subsequent 
efforts  in  so  many  different  fields,  he  never  seems 
to  have  surpassed,  if,  indeed,  he  ever  quite 
equalled,  the  impression,  which  he  made  upon 
this  occasion,  and  that  the  argument  in  the 
Parsons'  Cause  is  still  cited  as  the  ne  plus  ultra 
of  his  unrivalled  eloquence. 

Of  the  topics  treated  in  this  celebrated  speech, 
the  only  one  of  ^vhich  any  account  has  been  pre- 
served, is  that  of  the  validity  of  the  act  of  1758, 
and  of  the  proceedings  respecting  it  by  the  king 
in  council.  Henry  is  represented  by  Mr.  Wirt, 
on  the  authority,  as  I  understand  him,  of  oral 
tradition,  as  having  maintained  that  government 
was  in  the  nature  of  a  compact  between  the 
king  and  the  people  ;  that  the  king,  on  failing  to 
secure  his  subjects  in  Virginia  against  the  results 
of  a  short  crop  of  tobacco,  had  violated  this  com- 
pact, and  thereby  discharged  the  other  party 
from  the  duty  of  executing  it;  and  tliat  the 
people  had  provided  for  their  own  safety  by  the 
act  of  1758,  the  validity  of  which  was  in  no 
way  affected  by  the  declaration  of  its  nullity 
from  the  king  in  council.  This  is  not,  perhaps, 
the  strongest  form  in  which  the  argument  on  this 
topic  could  have  been  presented  for  the  purpose 
wliich  Henry  had  in  view.  It  is  not  improbable 
that  his  reasoning  may  have  been  somewhat  mis- 


PATRICK     HENRY.  247 

represented  in  passing  through  the  mouths  of  oial 
reporters.  The  object  of  Henry  was  to  obtain  a 
verdict  of  nominal  damages,  by  showing  that, 
wherever  the  legal  right  might  be,  substantial 
justice  was  on  the  side  of  the  planters.  In  this 
purpose  it  was  not  necessary  to  argue,  that  the 
king  was  bound  by  the  social  compact  to  secure 
the  Virginia  planters  against  the  results  of  a  short 
crop  of  tobacco,  v/hich  he  could  not  well  be 
expected  to  do,  or  that  the  order  in  council, 
annulling  the  act  of  1758,  had  no  legal  validity. 
The  natural  course  of  the  argument  would  be, 
that  the  clergy  had  no  claim  in  justice  to  triple 
their  salaries,  at  the  expense  of  the  planters,  in 
consequence  of  an  accidental  rise  in  the  value  of 
a  particular  article ;  that,  in  founding  such  a  claim 
upon  a  circumstance,  which  was  in  itself  in  the 
nature  of  a  public  calamity,  the  clergy  acted 
inconsistently  with  their  professional  character ; 
that  the  legislature,  in  securing  the  planters  by 
law  against  such  a  pretension,  proceeded  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  dictates  of  natural  justice ; 
that,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  case, 
it  was  piiysically  impossible  to  obtain  the  king's 
assent  to  the  law,  and  that  the  legislature 
were  consequently  justified  by  necessity  in  pro- 
ceeding without  it  ;  and  that  the  subsequent 
declaration  of  the  council,  however  it  micrht 
affect   the  validity  of   the  law,   could    not  affect 


248  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

the  equity  of  the  case,  nor  consequently  im- 
pair the  right  of  the  plaintiff  to  a  verdict  of 
merely  nominal  damages.  This  is  the  argument, 
which  would  naturally  have  been  suggested  by 
the  aspect  under  which  the  case  was  presented. 
It  is  tenable  in  all  its  points,  and  only  required 
to  be  stated  with  power  and  eloquence,  in  order 
to  carry  conviction  to  the  mind  of  every  hearer. 
The  development  of  it  would  naturally  include  a 
course  of  severe  animadversion  on  the  conduct 
of  the  clergy,  in  seeking  to  fatten  on  the  public 
distress  ;  but  it  would  not  have  been  necessary  to 
insist  on  any  views  of  the  law  inconsistent  with 
those,  which  had  already  been  taken  by  the  court. 
It  may  therefore  be  presumed,  that  it  is  the^ 
outline  of  the  argument  adopted  by  Henry. 

Such  is  the  history  of  the  famous  Parsons' 
Cause.  The  clergy  took  no  steps  for  carrying 
the  matter  before  a  higher  tribunal.  Mr.  Camm 
published  another  pamphlet,  in  which  the  obscure 
advocate  of  the  planters,  and  the  court  in  which 
the  cause  had  been  tried,  were  treated  with  great 
contempt.  But  the  interest  that  had  been  for 
some  time  felt  in  this  aflair  was  immediately 
forgotten,  under  the  stronger  excitement  produced 
by  the  opening  scenes  of  the  revolutionary  con- 
test, and  left  no  results  of  consequence,  excepting 
that  of  having  brought  before  the  public  view, 
under  the  most  favorable  auspices,  at  this  critical 


PATRICK     HENRY.  249 

period,  an  individual  better  fitted,  perhaps,  by 
character  and  talents,  tlian  any  other  in  the 
colony,  to  ride  on  the  whirlwind  and  direct  the 
storm. 

Henry  was  at  once  retained  for  the  planters 
in  all  the  cases  then  in  court,  depending  on  the 
same  principles  with  tliat  of  Mr.  Maury ;  but 
they  were  all  withdrawn  by  the  clergy,  and  never 
came  to  trial.  His  business  increased  consider- 
ably, but  was  still  for  some  time  hardly  adequate 
to  his  support ;  and,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
a  wider  field  for  his  operations,  he  removed  to 
the  county  of  Louisa,  where  he  resided  at  a 
place  called  the  Roundabout.  Here  he  resumed, 
in  connection  with  his  professional  occupationf?, 
his  favorite  rural  sports,  and  has  been  known  to 
hunt  the  deer  for  several  days  together,  carrying 
his  provision  with  him,  and  at  night  encamping  in 
the  woods.  After  the  hunt  was  over,  he  would 
go  from  the  ground  to  the  Louisa  court-house  in 
his  hunting  apparel,  take  up  the  first  of  his  causes 
that  happened  to  be  called,  and,  if  it  afforded 
any  scope  for  display,  astonish  the  court  and  jury 
by  the  effusions  of  his  natural  eloquence.  His 
power  of  enchaining  the  attention  of  his  hrarers 
is  strikingly  shown  by  a  remark  of  Judge  Lyons, 
the  same  person  who  had  argued  the  Parsons' 
Cause  against  him,  and  who  has  been  he^ird  to 
say,  that,    while  practising  at  the  bar,  he  could 


250  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

always  write  a  letter,  or  draft  a  legal  paper,  m 
court,  with  as  much  freedom  of  mind  as  in  his 
own  office,  under  all  circumstances,  excepting 
when  Patrick  rose  to  speak ;  but  that,  whenever 
this  happened,  however  trifling  might  be  tlie 
matter  in  question,  he  was  obliged  to  throw  aside 
his  pen,  and  could  not  write  a  word  until  the 
speech  was  finished. 

In  the  autumn  of  1764,  about  a  year  after  his 
argument  in  the  Parsons'  Cause,  Henry  was  em- 
ployed to  appear  before  a  committee  of  the 
House  of  Burgesses,  in  a  case  of  a  contested 
election,  and  acquitted  himself  v/ith  great  dis- 
tinction. But  tlie  moment  had  now  arrived  when 
he  was  himself  to  take  his  scat  in  the  assembly, 
and  for  a  time  to  govern  its  proceedings  on  the 
mighty  questions  in  regard  to  which  the  colonies 
were  at  issue  with  the  mother  country. 


CHAPTER   HI. 

Elected  a  Member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses.  — 
Brh}<rs  forward  his  celchratcd  Resolutions  on 
the  Stamp  Act, 

The  year  in  which  Patrick  Henry  argued   the 
Parsons'  Cause  was  distinguished  by  an  event  of 


PATRICK     HENRY.  251 

high    importance    to    the    concerns    of  this    con- 
tinent,   and   ultimately,    through    them,    of     the 
whole  Christian  world.     In  that  year  were  signed 
at  Paris,  by  the  representatives  of  the    principal 
European    powers,   the    definitive    treaties   which 
brought  to  a  close   the  war  of  1756,  comra  )nly 
called,  in  this  country,  the  Old  French  War.     By 
these  treaties,  France,  then  in  the  hands  of  the 
corrupt  and  imbecile  administration,  which  gov- 
erned in  the  name  of  Louis  the  Fifteenth,  threw 
from  her,  as  if  in  wantonness,  the  vast  territory 
which  she  had  previously  possessed  on  this  con- 
tinent,   and  which,  properly  administered,  might 
have  secured  to  her  the  dominion  of  the  whole. 
Canada  was  ceded  to  Great  Britain.     Louisiana, 
comprehending,  as  claimed  by   France,  the  entire 
valley  of  the  Mississippi,  from  the  mouth  of  that 
river  to  its   sources,  and    from    the   Allegany    to 
the    Rocky    Mountains,    perhaps,   orl^the  whole, 
the   richest  and    most   favored   region    of   equal 
extent  on  the  face  of  the  globe,  was  given  away, 
as  it    seems,    without   any   motive    whatever,    to 
Spain.     By  the  same  treaties,  Florida  was  ceded 
by  Spain  to  England. 

It  was  doubtless  supposed,  at  the  time,  that 
these  arrangements  had  cohsolidated  and  estab- 
lished forever  the  dominion  of  Great  Britain  over 
the  whole  western  continent.  Occupying  the 
coast  from   Davis's  Straits  to   Cape   Florid?    re- 


252  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

lieved  from  the  dangerous  neigliborhood  of  the 
French,  who  had  hitherto  in  some  degree  kept 
them  in  check,  and  with  nothing  to  oppose  their 
farther  progress  but  a  torpid  Spanish  government 
at  New  Orleans,  it  was  naturally  supposed  that 
the  colonies  would  regularly  and  eagerly  push 
forward  their  settlements  into  the  interior,  until 
they  had  driven  the  Spaniards  from  the  con- 
tinent ;  in  short,  that  they  would  run,  as  British 
subjects,  the  same  career,  which  they  have,  in 
fact,  pursued  as  citizens  of  the  United  States. 

This  was  the  superficial  aspect  of  the  case ;  but 
a  keener  foresight  into  the  future  might,  perhaps, 
even    then   have  satisfied    the   observer    that  the 
result   of    these    arrangements    would   be    of    a 
directly    opposite   character,  and  would    tend    to 
weaken  and  dismember,  rather  than  consolidate 
and  strengthen,  the  British   power.     The  neigh- 
borhood   oP  the    French  was    the  principal    cir- 
cumstance   that    counteracted    this    tendency  to 
independence,  which  naturally   gi-ew  out  of  the 
remote  situation  of  tlie  British  colonies,  and  their 
peculiar   habits  of  thought  and  leeling.      At  the 
occurrence  of  every  new  war  in  Europe,  the  Brit- 
ish settlements  in  America  were  exposed  to  new 
inroads    from    the    interior,    acr2:ravated    in    their 
effects  by  all  the  horrors  of  savage  warfare.     The 
necessity    of    obtaining   the    aid    of    the    mother 
country  in  repelling  these  attacks,  and  the  sym- 


PATRICK     HENRY.  253 

patliy  generated   by    the   concert  of  action    thus 
produced,  created,  for  the  time,  a  community  of 
feeling,  which  could  never  have   been   produced 
in  any  other  way.       Tlie  acquisition  of   Canada 
removed    this  check   to    the   spirit  of    independ- 
ence ;  and  it  might,   perhaps,  have  been  antici- 
pated that  this  spirit  would  now    develop   itself 
with  greater  assurance  and  freedom  than  before. 
But   even  in    this  view  of  the    subject,   no   con- 
temporary   observer   would    ever   have   predicted 
the  rapidity,    with    which   the    new    combination 
of  circumstances    produced    its    effects.     At  no 
period   in    the   history  of  the    colonies    had   the 
feeling  on  their  part  towards  the  mother  country 
been  so  cordial,  as  it  was  at  the  conclusion  of  the 
peace    of  1763.     Twelve    years   afterwards,    the 
mother   country   and   the  colonies  were  at  open 
war  ;  in  thirteen,  the  colonies  had  declared  inde- 
pendence ;  and  in  twenty,  the  representatives  of 
the  same  powers,  that  made  the  arrangements  of 
1763,  signed,  at  Paris,  another  set  of  treaties,  the 
principal   result  of  which  was  to   recognize    the 
national   existence    of    the    United    States.       So 
rapid,  in  some  cases  at  least,  is   the   progTcss  of 
the  revolutions  which  determine  tlie  fortunes  of 
nations,  and  change  the  face  of  the  world. 

The  event,  which  immediately  brought  on 
this  new  and  wholly  unexpected  series  of  oc- 
currences,   took    place    in    England   in    the   year 


254  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY. 

following  the  peace,  and  was  one  of  its  results. 
Desiring  to  make  the  reductions  in  the  taxes,  that 
are  usual  after  the  close  of  a  long  war,  and 
finding  it  necessary  at  the  same  time  to  provide 
for  the  interest  of  a  large  war  debt,  the  British 
ministry,  in  order  to  combine  the  two  objects  as  far 
as  possible,  began  to  look  about  for  new  sources 
of  revenue,  and  conceived  the  idea  of  raising 
funds  by  taxing  the  colonies.  In  pursuance  of 
this  project,  on  the  10th  of  March,  1764,  a  de- 
claratory resolution  was  adopted  in  Parliament, 
to  the  effect,  that  it  "  would  be  proper  to  impose 
certain  stamp  duties  on  the  colonies  and  plan- 
tations, for  the  purpose  of  raising  an  American 
revenue,  payable  into  the  British  exchequer."  At 
the  next  session  of  Parliament,  in  the  year  1765, 
a  law  was  passed,  in  conformity  with  this  resolu- 
tion; commonly  called  the  Stamp  Act. 

The  resolution  and  the  act,  though  adopted 
by  large  majorities,  were  opposed  in  Parliament 
by  a  respectable  minority,  chiefly  on  the  ground 
of  constitutional  law.  The  right  of  the  govern- 
ment to  raise  money  from  the  people  by  taxation 
was  declared  to  be  coextensive  with,  and  inci- 
dental to,  the  right  of  the  people  to  be  repre- 
sented in  Parliament.  As  tlie  colonies  were  not 
represented  in  Parliament,  they  could  not  right- 
fully be  taxed.  The  correctness  of  this  principle, 
even    in    its  application  to    the    mother   country, 


PATRICK     HENRY.  255 

may,  perhaps,  be  regarded  as  somewhat  question- 
able. With  the  iidiabitants  of  the  British  islands, 
the  right  of  being  directly  represented  in  Parlia- 
ment is  far  from  being,  or  having  been  at  any 
time,  coextensive  with  the  duty  of  paying  taxes, 
and  the  idea  of  virtual  representation,  it  was  sup- 
posed, might  as  well  be  appHed  to  the  population 
of  the  colonies,  as  to  the  unrepresented  part  of 
that  of  the  mother  country. 

It  may  be  urged,  indeed,  with  some  degree  of 
plausibility,  that,  where  the  legislator  is  himself 
subject  to  his  own  laws,  there  is  less  danger  of 
oppression  than  where  they  are  made  applicable 
only  to  a  distant  country.  But  tljis  is  a  consid- 
eration of  equity  and  expediency,  rather  than  of 
strict  right.  In  reality,  the  constitutional  rights 
of  British  subjects,  which  at  home  depended  on 
usage  rather  than  strict  definition,  became,  in 
the  anomalous  circumstances  under  which  the 
colonies  were  settled,  so  entirely  matters  of  in- 
ference and  construction,  that  they  must  neces- 
sarily have  been  interpreted  differently,  and  with 
almost  equal  degrees  of  plausibility,  by  the 
colonies  and  the  government.  It  was  the  true 
policy  of  the  government  to  avoid  every  thing 
that  would  provoke  discussion  on  the  subject, 
since,  whatever  the  merits  of  the  case  might  be, 
any  agitation  of  the  question  would  necessarily 
stimulate  the  existing  tendency  to  independence. 


256  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY.  • 

The  error  of  the  British  ministry  lay  in  assuming 
a  principle,  which,  whether  in  itself  true  or  false, 
could  not  fail,  at  all  events,  to  provoke  a  con- 
troversy, and  in  not  retracing  their  steps  with 
sufficient  firmness,  when  they  saw  how  the  act 
was  received  in  America. 

Starting  from  the  period  of  the  peace  of  1763, 
when  the  feeling  of  cordiality  toward  the  mother 
country  was  strong  and  universal,  had  the  British 
ministry  pursued  uniformly  a  conciliatory  course, 
never  advancing  any  pretension  which  was  fitted 
to  alarm  the  jealousy  of  the  colonies,  encouraging, 
instead  of  crushing,  their  home  industry,  govern- 
ing them,  in.  short,  not  with  a  view  to  the 
separate  aggrandizement  of  Great  Britain,  but  to 
the  interest  of  the  colonies  themselves,  and  that 
of  the  mother  country  only  as  therein  involved 
and  implied ;  had  the  ministry  taken  such  a 
course,  the  union  with  Great  Britain  might  have 
lasted  for  an  indefinite  period,  perhaps  for  cen- 
turies, and  until  the  superior  population  and 
revenues  of  the  colonies  should  have  transferred 
the  seat  of  the  common  government,  by  a  natural 
process,  to  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  But  such 
results  would  have  been  hardly  consistent  with 
the  ordinary  course  of  events.  With  the  feelings 
on  both  sides  that  naturally  grew  out  of  their 
respective  positions,  it  was  much  more  natural 
that  the   British  government  should  adopt   some 


PATRICK     HENRY.  257 

such  measure  as  the  stamp  act,  and  that  its 
adoption  should  be  followed  by  resistance  from 
the  colonies. 

But  although  opposition,  more  or  less  energetic, 
was  naturally  to  be  expected,  and  was  doubtless 
calculated  on  by  the  ministers,  it  is  hardly  proba- 
ble that  they  anticipated  the  storm  of  resistance 
which  burst  upon  them  at  once  from  all  quarters 
of  the  continent.  The  declaratory  resolution 
was  met  by  remonstrances  and  protests  from  the 
colonial  legislatures,  transmitted  through  their 
agents  at  London,  in  which  they  denied  entirely 
the  right  of  the  government  to  raise  a  revenue 
from  the  colonies.  Shaken  in  some  degree  by 
their  proceedings,  the  ministry  intimated  to  the 
agents  that  they  had  no  particular  predilection 
for  the  proposed  method  of  raising  the  money 
w^anted,  and  that  they  would  abandon  the  idea 
of  laying  stamp  duties  if  the  agents  would  sug- 
gest any  other  mode  of  obtaining  the  amount 
which  these  duties  were  expected  to  yield,  and 
which  was  only  a  hundred  thousand  pounds.  So 
trifling  was  the  pecuniary  interest  actually  at 
stake  in  the  quarrel,  which  was  destined  to  dis- 
member the  British  empire.  The  agents  rejected 
these  overtures,  and  insisted  firmly  on  the  consti- 
tutional right  of  British  subjects  not  to  be  taxed 
excepting  with  their  own  consent  through  their 
representatives. 

VOL.   I.  17 


258  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Failing  in  these  attempts  at  conciliation,  the 
ministry  adhered  to  their  original  plan.  Soon 
after  the  opening  of  Parliament,  in  January, 
1765,  they  carried  through  the  two  Houses,  by 
unanimous  consent,  a  resolution  not  to  receive  any 
memorials  which  denied  the  right  of  the  govern- 
ment to  tax  the  colonies  ;  and  soon  after  pro- 
posed, and  carried  by  large  majorities,  the  famous 
stamp  act.  On  the  actual  passage  of  this  ob- 
noxious law,  the  feeling  of  discontent  which  had 
been  kept  in  some  degree  within  bounds,  by  the 
hope  that  Parliament  would  refrain  from  follow- 
ing out  the  course  indicated  by  the  resolution  of 
the  preceding  session,  now  burst  forth  with 
uncontrollable  fury.  On  the  arrival  of  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  passage  of  the  law  at  Boston,  the 
ships  in  port  displayed  their  flags  at  half  mast 
as  signals  of  distress  ;  the  bells  were  muffled  and 
tolled  as  at  a  funeral.  The  act  was  publicly 
burned.  The  ship-masters  who  had  brought  out 
the  stamps  were  compelled  to  give  them  up,  and 
they  were  immediately  destroyed,  so  that,  on  the 
1st  of  November,  when  the  act  went  into  oper- 
ation, there  was  not  one  to  be  found  in  the 
colonies. 

The  merchants  entered  into  mutual  compacts 
not  to  import  any  goods  from  Great  Britain  while 
the  law  remained  in  force.  As  the  use  of 
stamped  paper   was   rendered   necessary   by    the 


PATRICK     HENRY.  259 

act  in  almost  all  matters  of  business,  public  or 
private,  the  destruction  of  the  supply,  which  had 
been  transmitted,  interrupted  the  progress  of  all 
current  affairs.  The  courts  of  justice  were 
closed,  and  the  people  were  left  at  full  leisure  to 
devote  their  whole  time  and  attention  to  the  all- 
absorbing  subject.  The  rapidity  with  which 
the  feeling  that  prevailed  through  the  colonies 
changed,  in  a  single  year,  from  unprecedented 
cordiality  to  unmitigated  abhorrence,  is  almost 
miraculous.  It  evinces  a  keen  sensibility  to  any 
interference  with  their  real  or  supposed  political 
rights,  and  a  resolute  determination  to  maintain 
them,  singularly  characteristic  of  the  race  from 
which  they  sprang,  but  which  had  never,  perhaps, 
been  displayed  with  greater  energy  at  the  most 
trying  periods  in  the  history  of  the  mother 
country. 

The  legislature  of  Virginia,  immediately  after 
receiving  intelligence  of  the  adoption  of  the  de- 
claratory resolution  by  Parliament,  prepared  ad- 
dresses, directed  severally  to  the  King,  the  House 
uf  Lords,  and  the  House  of  Commons,  in  which 
they  remonstrated  with  spirit  and  decision,  but 
still  in  a  tone  of  moderation,  against  any  actual 
legislation  on  this  basis.  These  addresses  cor- 
responded in  character  with  the  feeling  which 
prevailed  in  the  colonies  at  the  time  of  their 
adoption,  and  which  was  still  friendly  and  loyal 


260  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

towards  the  mother  country,  although  in  some 
degree  altered  by  the  prospect  of  the  measures 
that  were  threatened.  The  actual  passage  of  the 
stamp  act  seems  to  have  obliterated  entirely  the 
remains  of  the  previously  existing  sentiment,  and 
to  have  substituted  in  its  place  the  most  intense 
excitement,  and  a  resolute  determination  to  resist 
to  the  utmost,  and  at  all  hazards,  the  ministerial 
pretensions.  The  boldest  and  most  energetic 
patriots  were  naturally  called  into  action  by  the 
nature  of  the  crisis. 

In  Virginia,  the  friends  of  liberty  fixed  their 
eyes  immediately  upon  the  young  advocate,  who 
had  recently  acquired  so  much  reputation  by  his 
brilliant  eloquence  and  undaunted  defence  of 
colonial  rights  against  the  encroachments  of  the 
crown,  at  the  regular  election  of  members  of  the 
House  of  Burgesses  for  the  year  1765.  Henry 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  thought  of  as  a 
candidate  ;  but,  after  the  adoption  of  the  stamp 
act  was  known,  Mr.  William  Johnson,  the 
member  elect  for  the  county  of  Louisa,  accepted 
the  place  of  coroner  in  order  to  create  a  vacancy. 
A  writ  was  issued  on  the  1st  of  May  for  a  new 
election,  and  before  the  20th  it  appears  that 
Henry  had  taken  his  seat  in  the  Assembly,  which 
was  in  session  at  the  time,  as  on  that  day  he 
was  added  to  the  committee  for  courts  of  justice. 
On  making  his  appearance   in  the  Assembly,  he 


PATRICK     HENRY.  261 

exhibited  the  same  plain  and  rather  uncouth 
exterior  which  had  previously  distinguished  him. 
It  now  formed  a  rather  strildng  contrast  with  the 
stately  deportment  and  finished  elegance  of  man- 
ner, wiiich  characterized  the  leading  members  of 
the  landed  aristocracy  of  Virginia. 

It  was  probably  not  anticipated  by  the  friends 
of  Henry,  that  he  would  lead  the  proceedings  of 
the  Assembly  on  the  stamp  act.  Richard  Henry 
Lee,  Pendleton,  Wythe,  Bland,  and  others,  who 
afterwards  took  an  active  and  prominent  part  in 
the  contest  with  the  mother  country,  w-ere  mem- 
bers of  this  body,  and,  from  their  superiority  in 
years  and  authority,  if  not  in  talent  and  elo- 
quence, to  Henry,  were  naturally  expected  to 
assume  the  responsibility  of  pointing  out  the 
course  to  be  pursued.  Henry,  as  a  young  and 
poW'Crful  advocate,  was  calculated  on  to  sustain 
and  recommend  to  the  people  the  measures  pro- 
posed by  the  leaders.  These  very  natural  ex- 
pectations were,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  en- 
tirely disappointed. 

The  first  affair  in  which  Henry  took  a  part 
w^as  far  from  exhibiting  any  very  strong  tendency 
in  him  to  follow  the  lead  of  the  landed  aris- 
tocracy. Although  it  had  no  immediate  con- 
nection with  tlie  exciting  political  topics  of  the 
day,  it  was  in  itself  of  an  interesting  character, 
and,  in  more  quiet  times,  would  have  probably  ab- 


262  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

sorbed  for  some  years  the  attention  of  the  colony. 
It  was  a  proposal  made  in  the  Assembly  to  con- 
vert the  state  treasury  into  a  sort  of  land  bank, 
by  authorizing  the  treasurer  to  lend  the  public 
money  to  individuals  on  good  landed  security. 
Whether  these  loans  were  to  be  made  in  a  paper 
money,  resting  on  the  public  faith,  to  be  created 
for  the  purpose,  or  in  the  usual  currency  of  the 
colony,  is  not  stated  in  the  accounts  that  have 
come  down  to  us  of  this  transaction. 

The  treasurer  of  the  colony  at  this  period  was 
John  Robinson,  who  was  also  at  the  same  time, 
and  had  been  for  five  and  twenty  years  pre- 
ceding, the  speaker  of  the  Assembly.  He  was 
a  person  of  large  property  and  excellent  charac- 
ter, by  general  acknowledgment  the  leader  of 
the  landed  interest.  Profuse  in  his  expenditures, 
and  liberal  in  his  disposition,  he  had  been  in  the 
habit  of  lending  money  very  freely  to  such  per- 
sons as  wished  to  borrow,  employing  indiscrimi- 
nately, for  this  purpose,  his  own  funds  and  those 
of  the  state.  By  a  long  perseverance  in  this 
system  his  affairs  had  become  confused,  and  he 
began  to  apprehend  that  he  should  find  himself 
unable  to  meet  his  payments  on  public  account. 
The  real  object  of  the  proposed  measure  was  to 
enable  him  to  settle  his  affairs,  by  transferring  the 
loans  which  he  had  made  on  his  own  respon- 
sibility, though    with   the    public   money,  to    the 


PATRICK     IIENRy.  263 

credit  of  the  state.  As  the  irregularity  of  the 
manner  in  which  Robinson  had  managed  the 
affairs  of  the  treasury  was  not  known  until  after 
his  death,  which  took  place  a  year  later,  the  real 
object  of  the  proposed  measure  was  not  at  the 
time  suspected  by  the  public.  The  plan  seems 
to  have  been  favored  by  the  leading  members 
of  the  Assembly,  who  naturally  anticipated  that 
the  loans  to  be  made  would  fall,  in  part  at  least. 
into  their  hands. 

It  was  in  opposition  to  this  plan  that  Henry 
made  his  first  speech  in  the  House  of  Burgesses. 
The  ultimate  object  not  being  known,  he  could, 
of  course,  attack  it  only  on  the  general  ground 
of  objections,  which  are  sufficiently  obvious ;  such 
as  the  danger,  inconvenience,  and  radical  impro- 
priety, of  employing  the  public  money  in  private 
banking  operations,  and  the  abuses  to  which  such 
a  system  would  necessarily  lead.  No  report  is 
extant  of  this  speech.  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  heard 
the  debate,  speaks  of  it  as  an  effort  of  great 
ability,  and  quotes  a  single  remark,  which  made 
at  the  time  a  very  strong  impression  on  himself 
and  the  House.  It  had  been  urged  by  the 
friends  of  the  measure,  that  certain  persons  of 
substantial  property  had  been  led  by  circum- 
stances to  contract  debts,  which,  if  exacted  im- 
mediately, would  bring  ruin  upon  them  and  their 
families,    but   that,    with    a   Uttle    indulgence   in 


264  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

})oint  of  time,  these  debts  might  be  paid  with 
ease,  and  that  this  project  would  furnish  the 
persons  so  situated  with  the  accommodation 
which  they  wanted.  *'  What,  Sir,"  said  Henry, 
in  commenting  upon  this  remark,  which  seems 
to  have  been  a  covert  allusion  to  the  case  of 
Robinson  himself;  "  What,  Sir,  is  it  proposed, 
then,  to  reclaim  the  spendthrift  from  his  dissipa- 
tion and  extravagance  by  filling  his  pockets  wuth 
money  ?  "  "  These  expressions,"  says  Jefferson, 
in  his  letter  to  Wirt,  ''  are  indelibly  impressed 
upon  my  memory."  As  the  remark  here  quoted, 
though  just  and  pointed,  has  nothing  particu- 
larly striking  or  brilliant  about  it,  it  is  easy  to 
judge  how  much  the  effect  of  Henry's  speeches, 
as  is  the  case,  indeed,  with  those  of  every  cele- 
brated orator,  must  have  depended  on  the  manner 
in  which  they  were  delivered.  The  opposition  of 
Henry  to  the  projected  plan  was  successful.  He 
carried  with  him  all  the  members  of  the  upper 
country,  who  constituted  a  considerable  majority 
over  the  aristocracy  of  the  lower  country. 

The  next  year  Robinson  died,  and  the  dis- 
closure of  the  deficit  in  his  accounts  with  the 
state,  which  exhibited  the  true  character  of  this 
proposal,  fully  justifies  the  opposition  of  Henry, 
and  reflected  honor  on  his  foresight  and  sagacity. 
He  assumed  at  this  time  the  position,  which  he 
continued  to  hold  through  his  whole  career,  of  a 


PATRICK     HENRY.  265 

popular  tribune,  who  made  it  his  business  to 
attempt  to  secure  the  rights  of  the  mass  of  the 
community  against  invasion  by  the  wealthy  and 
powerful.  This  might  not  have  been,  in  ordi- 
nary times,  a  course  very  well  fitted  to  secure  to 
him  the  highest  emoluments  and  advantages  held 
out  by  his  profession,  as  it  naturally  rendered 
him  obnoxious  to  the  landed  proprietors,  who 
owned  most  of  the  property,  and  disposed  of  all 
the  patronage  of  the  crown  in  the  colony.  But, 
under  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  crisis, 
it  proved  perhaps  more  favorable  to  his  influence 
than  any  other  tliat  he  could  have  adopted. 
The  progress  of  events  very  soon  transferred  the 
patronage  of  the  colony  from  the  hands  of  the 
aristocracy  to  those  of  the  popular  leaders,  and 
compelled  the  former  not  merely  not  to  oppose 
Henry,  but  to  march,  though  not  v/ith  a  very 
good  will,  under  his  banner.  This  result  was 
seen  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Assembly  at  this 
session  upon  the  stamp  act. 

The  leading  men  appear  to  have  made  up  their 
minds,  that  it  was  unnecessary  to  add  anything, 
at  this  session,  to  the  addresses  which  had  been 
adopted  at  the  preceding  one,  and,  up  to  the 
third  day  before  the  session  was  to  terminate,  had 
shown  no  intention  to  propose  any  new  measure. 
It  was  at  this  period  that  Henry  introduced  his 
celebrated  resolutions.     At  some  subsequent  time, 


266  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

he  made,  himself,  a  statement  in  writing  of  the 
circumstances  under  which  they  were  offered. 
The  document  is  the  more  curious,  as  it  is  the 
only  source  from  which  our  knowledge  of  one  of 
the  resolutions  is  derived.  After  the  decease  of 
Henry,  a  parcel  was  found  among  his  papers, 
with  this  superscription  ;  "  Enclosed  are  the  res- 
olutions of  the  Virginia  Assembly,  in  1765,  con- 
cerning the  stamp  act.  Let  my  executors  open 
this  paper."  The  parcel  contained  a  copy  of  the 
resolutions,  with  some  remarks  written  upon  the 
back  of  it,  the  whole  in  Henry's  hand-writing. 
The  resolutions  are  as  follows  ; 

"  Resolved,  That  the  first  adventurers  and  set- 
tlers of  this  his  Majesty's  colony  and  dominion 
brought  with  them,  and  transmitted  to  their  pos- 
terity, and  all  others,  his  Majesty's  subjects,  since 
inhabiting  in  this  his  Majesty's  said  colony,  all 
the  privileges,  franchises,  and  immunities,  that 
have  at  any  time  been  held,  enjoyed,  and  pos- 
sessed, by  the  people  of  Great  Britain. 

*'  Resolved,  That,  by  two  royal  charters,  grant- 
ed by  King  James  the  First,  the  colonists  afore- 
said are  declared  entitled  to  all  the  privileges, 
liberties,  and  immunities  of  denizens  and  natural- 
born  subjects,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  if 
they  had  been  abiding  and  born  within  the  realm 
of  England. 

*'  Resolved,  That  the   taxation   of  the   people 


PATRICK     HENRY. 


267 


by  themselves,  or  by  persons  chosen  by  them 
selves  to  represent  them,  who  can  only  know 
what  taxes  the  people  are  able  to  bear,  and  the 
easiest  m£)de  of  raishig  them,  and  are  equally 
aflfected  by  such  taxes  themselves,  is  the  distin- 
ffuishinof  characteristic  of  British  freedom,  and 
witliout  which  the  ancient  constitution  cannot 
subsist. 

"Resolved,  That  his  Majesty's  liege  people 
of  this  most  ancient  colony  have  uninterruptedly 
enjoyed  the  right  of  being  thus  governed  by  their 
own  Assembly,  in  the  article  of  their  taxes  and 
internal  police;  and  that  the  same  hath  never 
been  forfeited,  or  any  other  way  given  up,  but 
hath  been  constantly  recognized  by  the  king  and 
people  of  Great  Britain. 

"  Resolved,  therefore.  That  the  General  Assem- 
bly of  this  colony  have  the  sole  right  and  power 
to  lay  taxes  and  impositions  upon  the  inhabitants 
of  this  colony ;  and  that  every  attempt  to  vest 
such  power  in  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever, 
other  than  the  General  Assembly  aforesaid,  has  a 
manifest  tendency  to  destroy  British,  as  well  as 
American,  freedom." 

The  endorsement,  also  in  Henry's  hand-writ- 
ing, on  the  paper  containing  these  resolutions,  is 
as  follows  ; 

"  The  within  resolutions  passed  the  House  of 
Burgesses  in  May,  1765.     They  formed  the  first 


268  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

opposition  to  the  stamp  act,  and  the  scheme  of 
taxing  America  by  the  British  Parhament.  All 
the  colonies,  either  through  fear  or  want  of  op- 
portunity to  form  an  opposition,  or  from  influ- 
ences of  some  kind  or  other,  had  remained  silent. 
I  had  been,  for  the  first  time,  elected  a  burgess  a 
few  days  before  ;  was  young,  inexperienced,  un- 
acquainted with  the  forms  of  the  House,  and  the 
members  that  composed  it.  Finding  the  men  of 
weight  averse  to  opposition,  and  the  commence- 
ment of  the  tax  at  hand,  and  that  no  person  was 
likely  to  step  forth,  I  determined  to  venture  ; 
and,  alone,  unadvised,  on  a  blank  leaf  of  an  old 
law  book,  wrote  the  within.  Upon  offering  them 
to  the  House,  violent  debates  ensued.  Many 
threats  were  uttered,  and  much  abuse  cast  on 
me  by  the  party  for  submission.  After  a  long 
and  warm  contest,  the  resolutions  passed  by 
a  very  small  majority,  perhaps  of  one  or  two 
only.  The  alarm  spread  throughout  America 
with  astonishing  quickness,  and  the  ministerial 
party  were  overwhelmed.  The  great  point  of 
resistance  to  British  taxation  was  universally  es- 
tablislicd  in  tlie  colonies.  This  brought  on  the 
war,  which  finally  separated  the  two  countries, 
and  gave  independence  to  ours.  Whether  this 
will  prove  a  blessing  or  a  curse,  will  depend 
upon  the  use  our  people  make  of  the  blessings 
which  a  gracious   God   hath  bestowed   upon  us. 


PATRICK     HENRY.  269 

If  they  are  wise,  they  will  be  great  and  happy. 
If  they  are  of  a  cojitrary  character,  they  will  be 
miserable.  Righteousness  alone  can  exalt  them 
as  a  nation. 

"  Reader  !  whoever  thou  art,  remember  this ; 
and,  in  thy  sphere,  practise  virtue  thyself,  and 
encourage  it  in  others.  P.  Henry." 

Such  is  the  account,  given  by  Henry  himself, 
of  the  passage  of  these  resolutions.  It  is  known, 
also,  from  himself,  through  the  channel  of  his 
brother-in-law,  Judge  Winston,  that,  before  they 
were  offered,  they  were  shown  to  two  persons 
only,  John  Fleming  and  George  Johnston,  mem- 
bers respectively  for  the  counties  of  Cumberland 
and  Fairfax,  by  the  latter  of  whom  they  were 
seconded.  They  were  opposed,  with  great  earn- 
estness by  the  prominent  members,  who  gener- 
ally led  the  proceedings,  and,  on  most  occasions, 
as  a  matter  of  course,  commanded  a  majority. 
The  reader  will  naturally  desire  to  see  the  ac- 
count of  the  proceedings,  as  given  in  the  graphic 
and  spirited  language  of  Jefferson,  who  was  ores- 
ent  at  the  debate. 

"  Mr.  Henry  moved,  and  Mr.  Johnston  sec- 
onded, these  resolutions,  successively.  They 
were  opposed  by  Messrs.  Randolph,  Bland,  Pen- 
dleton, Wythe,  and  all  the  old  members,  whose 
influence  in  the  House  had  till  then  been  unbro- 
ken.    They  did  it,  not  from  any  question  of  our 


270  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

rights,  but  on  the  ground  that  the  same  senti- 
ments had  been,  at  the  preceding  session,  ex- 
pressed in  a  more  concihatory  form,  to  which  the 
answers  were  not  yet  received.  But  torrents  of 
subhme  eloquence  from  Henry,  backed  by  the 
sohd  reasoning  of  Johnston,  prevailed.  The  last, 
however,  and  strongest  resolution, '  was  carried 
but  by  a  single  vote.  The  debate  on  it  was 
most  bloody.  I  was  then  but  a  student,  and 
stood  at  the  door  of  communication  between  the 
house  and  the  lobby,  (for  as  yet  there  was  no 
gallery,)  during  the  whole  debate  and  vote ;  and 
I  well  remember,  that,  after  the  numbers  on  the 
division  were  told  and  declared  from  the  chair, 
Peyton  Randolph,  the  attorney-general,  came  out 
at  the  door  where  I  was  standing,  and  said,  as 
he  entered  the  lobby,  '  I  would  have  given  five 
hundred  guineas  for  a  single  vote  ; '  for  one  vote 
would  have  divided  the  house,  and  Robinson  was 
in  the  chair,  who,  he  knew,  vv'ould  have  nega- 
tived the  resolution. 

"  Mr.  Henry  left  town  that  evening ;  and  the 
next  morning,  before  the  meeting  of  the  House, 
Colonel  Peter  Randolph,  then  of  tlie  council, 
came  to  the  hall  of  burgesses,  and  sat  at  the  clerk's 
table  till  the  house  bell  rang,  thumbing  over  the 
volumes  of  journals,  to  find  a  precedent  for  ex- 
punging a  vote  of  the  House,  which,  he  said,  had 
taken  place  while   he  was  a  member  or  clerk  ^f 


PATRICK     HENRY.  271 

the  House,  I  do  not  recollect  which.  I  stood  by 
him,  at  the  end  of  the  table,  a  considerable  part 
of  the  time,  looking  on  as  he  turned  the  leaves ; 
but  I  do  not  recollect  whether  he  found  the  era- 
sure. In  the  mean  time,  some  of  the  timid 
members,  who  had  voted  for  the  strongest  reso- 
lution, had  become  alarmed ;  and,  as  soon  as  the 
House  met,  a  motion  was  miade  and  carried  to 
expunge  it  from  the  journals.  There  being,  at 
that  day,  but  one  printer,  and  he  entirely  under 
control  of  the  governor,  I  do  not  know  that 
this  resolution  ever  appeared  in  print.  I  w^-ite 
this  from  memory ;  but  the  impression  made  on 
me,  at  the  time,  was  such  as  to  fix  the  facts 
indelibly  in  my  mind.  I  suppose  the  original 
journal  was  among  those  destroyed  by  the  Brit- 
ish, or  its  obliterated  face  might  be  appealed  to. 
And  here  I  Vv^ill  state,  that  Burk's  statement  of 
Mr.  Henry's  consenting  to  withdraw  two  resolu- 
tions, by  way  of  compromise  with  his  opponents, 
is  entirely  erroneous." 

Mr.  Jefferson's  suggestion,  that  the  manuscript 
journal  was  probably  destroyed  by  the  British 
during  the  war,  has  been  ascertained  to  be  erro- 
neous, as  the  book  disappeared  very  soon  after 
the  close  of  the  session  of  1765.  There  are 
various  errors,  besides  the  one  mentioned  by  Mr. 
Jefferson,  in  the  account  of  Burk,  and  some  in 
that  of  Marshall,  in  the  first  volume  of  the  Life 


212  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

of  Washington.  Fortunately,  the  original  note 
of  Henry,  and  the  account  of  Jefferson,  enable 
us  to  form  a  perfectly  correct,  as  well  as  singu- 
larly clear  and  distinct,  notion  of  this  thrilling 
scene.  Jefferson  standing  as  a  listener  at  the 
door  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  and  imbibing, 
from  the  ''  torrents  of  Henry's  sublime  elo- 
quence," the  patriotic  inspiration,  which  was 
destined,  only  ten  years  afterwards,  to  glow  in 
his  ovv^n  draft  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence, would  furnish  a  noble  subject  for  the  his- 
torical painter,  and  one  which  would  open  plainly 
to  the  eye  some  of  the  powerful,  but  then  hidden, 
springs  of  the  coming  revolution. 

Of  the  speech  or  speeches  made  by  Henry 
in  this  debate,  there  is  no  satisfactory  record. 
Burk,  in  his  History,  gives  what  purports  to  be 
his  speech;  but  it  is  the  mere  outline  of  an 
argument,  resting,  probably,  on  recollection,  with 
the  exception  of  a  single  passage  at  the  close,  the 
correctness  of  whicli  is  well  authenticated,  and 
which  contributed  greatly,  at  the  time,  by  giving 
effect  and  poignancy  to  the  whole  speech,  to 
produce  the  desired  result.  According  to  this 
outline,  Henry  considered  the  pretence  of  the 
ministry  to  raise  a  revenue  in  this  country  as 
conflicting  with  the  colonial  charters,  with  the 
rights  of  the  people  as  British  subjects,  and  with 
their  natural   rights  as  men.     At   the   close,  he 


PATRICK     HENRY.  273 

dwelt  upon  the  danger  to  which  the  king  him- 
self would  be  exposed,  in  pursuing  his  present 
course.  "  Caesar,"  said  he,  "  had  his  Brutus, 
Charles  the  First  his  Cromwell,  and  George 
the  Third  — "  At  this  moment,  the  orator 
paused,  as  if  in  doubt  how  to  finish  the  sen- 
tence. The  natural  termination  seemed,  of 
course,  to  be,  that  George  the  Third  v/ould  come, 
like  them,  to  a  violent  end ;  and  the  members 
opposed  to  Henry  immediately  raised  a  loud  cry 
of  "  Treason,  treason,"  in  all  parts  of  the  house. 
Henry,  in  no  way  disconcerted,  but  appearing,. 
on  the  contrary,  to  gather  new  power  from  the 
excitement  of  the  scene,  assumed  a  more  erect 
position,  and,  fastening  his  eagle  eye  upon  the 
speaker,  the  same  John  Robinson,  whose  cor- 
rupt plans  he  had  so  signally  baffled  a  few  days 
before,  added,  in  the  most  appropriate  empha- 
sis, as  the  closing  words  of  the  phrase,  "  may 
profit  by  their  example."  He  then  ^used  again, 
for  some  seconds,  and  finally  subjoined,  as  a 
sort  of  commentary  on  the  outcry  that  had  just 
occurred,  "  If  this  be  treason,  make  the  most 
of  it." 

Such  was  the  first  appearance  of  Henry  as 
an  orator  on  purely  political  topics  ;  and  it  is  a 
rather  singular  circumstance,  that,  in  this  depart- 
ment, as  in  that  of  legal  practice,  no  subsequent 
effort    seems    to  have   surpassed,   or   even    quite- 

VOL.    I.  18 


274  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

equalled,  in  immediate  effect,  the  first.  His 
speech  in  the  Continental  Congress,  soon  after 
its  organization,  called  forth  the  strongest  admi- 
ration ;  many  of  his  speeches  in  the  Virginia 
Convention,  on  the  federal  constitution,  were  re- 
ceived with  unbounded  enthusiasm,  and  pro- 
duced very  extraordinary  results.  His  argument 
in  the  British  Debt  case,  which  occupied  three 
days,  is  analyzed  at  great  length  by  Mr.  Wirt, 
and  dwelt  upon  as  a  sort  of  masterpiece.  But, 
.even  at  the  present  time,  a  Virginian,  who  is 
requested  to  mention  the  leading  titles  of  Hen- 
ry's glory,  appeals,  without  hesitation,  to  the 
speeches  on  the  Stamp  Act  and  the  Parsons' 
Cause.  The  peculiar  circumstances  attending 
€ach  of  these  cases  may  have  contributed  some- 
thing to  give  them  their  comparative  impor- 
tance ;  but,  independently  of  any  other  cause, 
th(!re  is  a  certain  freshness  in  the  first  efforts 
of  a  poweiibl  mind,  which  gives  them  an  ad- 
vantage over  those  of  later  years,  that,  on  careful 
analysis,  may  appear,  as  works  of  science  and 
art,  fully  equal,  if  not  superior. 

It  is  remarked  by  Lord  Byron,  in  one  of  his 
private  memoranda  or  letters,  that  he  awoke  one 
morning  and  found  himself  famous.  Henry  had 
taken  his  seat  in  the  Assembly,  notwithstanding 
the  eclat  of  the  Parsons'  Cause,  a  still  compara- 
tively obscure  country  attorney,  at  best  a  rising 


PATRICK     HENRY.  275 

lawyer  of  great  promise.  He  returned  to  his 
home,  three  or  four  weeks  after,  by  universal 
acknowledgment,  tlie  first  statesman  and  orator 
in  Virginia. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act.  —  Henry  elected  to  the 
Continental  Congress.  —  Speech  in  the  Virginia 
Convention. 

The  unfortunate  measure,  which  had  produced 
such  a  ferment  throughout  the  colonies,  and 
which  exercised  so  important  an  influence  on 
their  relations  with  the  mother  country,  was  des- 
tined itself  to  be  of  short  duration.  Within  a 
year  after  the  passage  of  the  stamp  act,  a 
change  took  place  in  the  administration  of  the 
British  government.  The  Grenville  cabinet,  in 
which  the  tory  influence  predominated,  was  com- 
pelled to  retire ;  and  a  new  one  was  formed,  on 
whig  principles,  under  the  direction  of  the  Mar- 
quis of  Rockingham.  It  was  on  this  occasion 
that  Burke,  who  had  previously  been  private 
secretary  to  the  marquis,  took  his  seat  in  Par- 
liament.     It   may   be   proper    to    remark,   tliat, 


276  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

although  the  Grenville  administration  was  osten- 
sibly responsible  for  the  passage  of  the  stamp 
act,  Mr.  Grenville  himself  is  said  to  have  been 
individually  averse  to  it,  and  to  have  proposed 
it  very  unwillingly,  in  compliance  with  the  pos- 
itive command  of  the  king,  who  was  the  real 
author  of  the  measure.  However  this  may  be, 
the  new  ministry,  who,  as  members  of  Parlia- 
ment, had  opposed  the  adoption  of  this  policy, 
very  naturally  evinced  a  disposition  to  recede 
from  it.  The  speech  from  the  throne,  at  the 
opening  of  the  session,  breathed  a  conciliatory 
spirit  in  regard  to  America ;  and,  in  the  debate 
upon  it  in  the  House  of  Commons,  Mr.  Pitt  at- 
tacked the  policy  of  the  late  administration  with 
great  power.  A  bill  was  introduced,  soon  after, 
for  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  which,  though 
strongly  opposed,  passed  the  two  Houses  by  large 
majorities,  and  became  a  law.  At  the  same 
time,  another  law  was  passed,  declaratory  of  the 
right  of  Parliament  to  bind  the  colonies  in  al' 
cases  whatsoever. 

This  prompt  and  apparently  good-humorec^ 
retreat  from  the  course,  which  had  been  so  in 
judiciously  entered  upon,  gave  entire  satisfac- 
tion throughout  the  colonies,  and  restored  for  a 
moment  the  cordial  feeling  towards  the  mother 
country,  that  prevailed  at  the  close  of  the  war. 
Public    rejoicings,    including    expressions   of   the 


PATRICK     HENRY.  277 

warmest  gratitude  to  the  friends  of  the  colonies, 
at  home  and  abroad,  took  place  in  all  quarters. 
The  Virginia  Assembly  voted  an  address  of  thanks 
to  the  King  and  Parliament,  in  which  they  re- 
newed all  their  former  professions  of  attachment 
and  loyalty.  They  also  resolved  to  erect  a 
statue  of  the  King,  and  an  obelisk  in  honor  of 
the  British  statesmen  who  had  supported  the 
cause  of  America.  A  bill  was  introduced  for 
this  purpose ;  but,  in  consequence  of  the  less  fa- 
vorable aspect  which  the  affair  shortly  after  as- 
sumed in  England,  it  was  never  acted  on. 

Had  the  British  government,  at  this  period, 
persevered,  with  consistency  and  good  faith,  in 
the  policy  which  apparently  dictated  the  repeal 
of  the  stamp  act,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  that 
the  good  feeling  produced  by  that  repeal  would 
have  been  maintained,  and  would  have  pre- 
vailed for  a  long  time  in  the  relations  between 
the  two  parties.  But  this  was  not  the  case ; 
and  the  course  actually  pursued  was  one  which 
it  would  be  as  difficult  to  reconcile  with  any 
consistent  scheme  of  administration,  as  with  a 
prudent  regard  to  the  rights  and  feelings  of  the 
colonies. 

Occasional  concessions  gave  an  appearance 
of  weakness  and  indecision  to  the  action  of  the 
ministry,  while  the  extreme  severity  displayed 
on   other  occasions    irritated    the    minds  of    the 


278  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Americans  almost  to  frenzy.  Not  content  with 
annexing  to  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act  a  de- 
claratory law,  which  was  fitted  of  itself  to  give 
an  ungi-acious  aspect  to  the  whole  proceeding, 
the  ministry  seem  to  have  taken  particular  pains 
to  disavow  any  intention  for  which  the  colonies 
could  properly  be  grateful,  and  publicly  treated 
with  contempt  the  demonstrations  of  satisfaction 
which  had,  in  fact,  been  shown  in  America. 
Townshend,  the  new  chancellor  of  the  exchequer, 
remarked,  in  a  speech  made  the  following  year, 
in  the  debate  on  the  supplies,  '•'  that  he  had 
voted  for  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  not  be- 
cause it  was  not  a  good  act,  but  because  there 
appeared  to  be  a  propriety  in  repealing  it.  He 
added,  that  he  repeated  the  sentiment  in  order 
that  the  galleries  might  hear  him ;  and  that, 
after  this,  he  did  not  expect  to  have  his  statue 
erected  in  America."  In  accordance  with  these 
views,  the  plan  of  raising  a  revenue  in  the  col- 
onics was  immediately  revived.  A  law  was 
passed,  the  same  year,  imposing  new  duties 
upon  various  articles,  when  imported  into  the 
colonies,  and  particularly  tea ;  and,  in  order  to 
show  the  settled  determination  of  the  ministry  to 
persist,  at  all  hazards,  in  their  pretensions,  addi- 
tional troops  were  sent  to  America,  and  quar- 
tered in  the   principal  northern  cities. 

This    headstrong   spirit   in    the    cabinet    could 


PATRICK     HENRY.  279 

not  well  produce  any  other  results  than  such  as 
those  wjiich  followed,  and  which  are  familiarly 
known  as  a  part  of  the  general  history  of  the 
country.  Virginia,  though  prominent  in  resist- 
ance to  the  stamp  act,  seems  to  have  been 
treated  with  less  severity  than  some  of  the  other 
colonics.  This  is  attributed,  by  Mr.  Wirt,  to 
the  personal  character  of  the  Virginian  govern- 
ors, Fauquier  and  Botetourt,  who  are  represent- 
ed as  having  endeavored  to  maintain,  as  far  as 
possible,  a  good  understanding  between  the  par- 
ties; while  it  seems  to  have  been  the  object  of 
the  Bernards  and  Hutchinsons,  of  the  eastern 
states,  to  envenom  existing  animosities,  and  push 
them  as  rapidly  as  possible  to  extremities.  The 
greater  consideration,  which  was  extended  by  the 
mother  country  to  the  colony  of  Virginia,  tended 
probably  to  diminish  a  little,  on  her  side,  the  ac- 
tivity of  opposition. 

On  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  the  Assem- 
bly, as  remarked  above,  adopted  resolutions  of 
a  highly  loyal  character ;  and  it  does  not  appear 
that  any  new  proceedings  took  place  in  refer- 
ence to  the  relations  with  the  mother  country 
until  the  session  of  1768-9.  On  the  last  day 
of  that  session,  a  series  of  resolutions  was  adopt- 
ed, asserting  in  emphatic  -terms  the  right  of  the 
colony  to  be  exempt  from  all  taxes  excepting  such 
as  might  be  imposed  by  her  own  legislature,  and 


'280  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

remonstrating  vigorously  against  the  recent  acts 
of  the  British  government.  The  result  of  this 
measure  was  an  immediate  dissolution  of  the 
House  of  Assembly  by  the  governor.  The  mem- 
bers were  all  reelected,  and  returned  with  aug- 
mented ardor  to  the  post  of  duty.  The  next 
step,  in  the  course  of  resistance  to  the  arbitrary 
pretensions  of  the  ministry,  was  the  adoption  by 
the  Assembly  of  a  series  of  resolutions,  moved 
by  Dabney  Carr,  and  providing  for  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  committee  of  the  legislature  to  cor- 
respond with  the  legislatures  of  the  other  colonies. 
The  measure  was  moved  in  committee  of  the 
whole  on  the  12th  of  March,  1773,  and  was  the 
first  movement  made  in  any  part  of  the  country 
towards  a  concert  of  action  between  the  col- 
onies. 

Henry  had  constantly  been  a  member  of  the 
House  from  the  time  of  his  first  election,  and 
took,  no  doubt,  an  active  part  on  both  these 
occasions,  although  no  particular  account  has 
been  preserved  of  his  course  in  regard  to  the 
resolutions  of  1768-9.  He  supported  those  of 
Mr.  Carr  in  a  powerful  speech,  and  was  ap- 
pointed a  member  of  the  Committee  of  Corre- 
spondence. He  seems,  at  this  time,  to  have 
become  somewhat  more  studious,  in  regard  to 
the  decorum  of  his  external  appearance,  than 
he  had  formerly  been ;  and  is  described  by  one 


PATRICK     HENRY.  291 

who  was  present  at  tlic  debate  on  Carr's  resolu- 
tions as  wearing  a  poach-blossom-colorcd  coat, 
and  dark  wig,  terminating  in  a  bag,  according 
to  the  fashion  of  that  day.  He  was  now  in  fulJ 
practice  at  the  bar,  and  was  particularly  conspic- 
uous in  the  defence  of  criminal  cases,  where  he 
shone  without  a  rival.  In  civil  actions,  involv 
ing  the  technical  book  learning  of  the  profession, 
iie  was  still  unable  to  cope  on  equal  terms  with 
the  leading  barristers,  and  only  recovered  his 
advantage,  and  displayed  his  full  strength,  when 
the  question  was  of  such  a  nature  that  he  was 
at  liberty  to  appeal  to  the  great  principles  of 
natural  justice. 

But  events  of  high  importance  were  now  suc- 
ceeding each  other  with  a  rapidity,  which  left  to 
those  who  took  an  active  part  in  political  affairs 
but  little  leisure  for  professional  pursuits  or 
private  business  of  any  description.  The  at- 
tempt to  enforce  the  new  duty  on  tea  was  met 
by  the  destruction  of  the  first  cargo  that  arrived 
at  Boston,  while  yet  on  board  tlie  ship  in  which 
it  came.  In  retribution  for  this  act  of  summary 
justice,  the  British  government  withdrew  from 
that  town  its  privileges  as  a  port  of  entry,  by  the 
law  commonly  called  the  Boston  Port  Bill.  The 
situation  of  Boston  under  this  infliction  called 
forth  public  expressions  of  tlie  warmest  sympathy 
from    various  quarters.     The  Virginia   legislature 


282  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

was  in  session  at  the  time  when  intelligence  of 
the  enactment  of  tlie  Boston  Port  Bill  reached 
this  country.  The  bill  was  to  take  effect  on  the 
first  of  June,  1774.  The  Assembly  immediately 
passed  an  order  setting  apart  that  day  to  be  ob- 
served as  a  season  of  public  fasting,  humiliation, 
and  prayer.  In  consequence  of  this  order, 
Governor  Dunmore  on  the  following  day  dis- 
solved the  House.  The  members  forthwith  re- 
paired to  the  Raleigh  tavern,  and,  after  deliber- 
ating on  the  course  which  it  was  proper  to 
pursue  under  existing  circumstances,  unanimously 
adopted  an  Association,  which  contained  a  pro- 
posal for  the  meeting  of  a  General  Congress. 

In  pursuance  of  these  proceedings,  delegates 
were  elected  shortly  after  by  the  several  counties, 
to  meet,  on  tiie  1st  of  August  following,  for  the 
purpose  of  considering  further  of  the  state  of 
public  affairs,  and  particularly  of  appointing 
deputies  to  the  General  Congress.  The  delegates 
accordingly  assembled  at  Williamsburg,  at  the 
appointed  time,  and  proceeded  to  transact  the 
business  committed  to  them.  They  adopted 
resolutions,  in  which  they  pledge  themselves  to 
make  common  cause  with  Boston  at  all  hazards, 
and  to  suspend  all  commercial  intercourse  with 
Great  Britain,  until  the  existing  difficulties  should 
be  adjusted.  As  dc[)uties  to  the  General  Con- 
gress they  designated  Peyton  Randolph,  Richard 


PATRICK     HENRY.  263 

Henry  Lee,  George  Washington,  Patrick  Henry, 
Richard  Bland,  Benjamin  Harrison,  and  Edmund 
Pendleton.  The  president  of  the  Convention. 
Peyton  Randolph,  was  authorized  to  call  another 
meeting,  if  occasion  should  require. 

^Notwithstanding  the  lengths  to  which  the  con 
troversy  with  the  mother  country  liad  now  pro- 
ceeded, and  the  bitterness  of  feeling  which  had 
been  generated  by  it,  the  idea  of  complete  in- 
dependence was  still  admitted  with  reluctance 
by  the  greater  part  of  even  the  more  active 
patriots,  and  had  not  become  familiar  to  the 
people  at  large.  A  few  persons  only,  of  deeper 
thought  and  a  keener  foresight  into  future  events 
than  the  rest,  already  perceived  that  this  result 
was  inevitable.  ♦  Patrick  Henry  was  one  of  the 
number,  and  Mr.  Wirt  has  recorded  a  very  in- 
teresting conversation  that  occurred  about  this 
time,  in  which  Henry  developed  his  vievvs,  with 
his  characteristic  boldness,  and  with  almost  pro- 
phetic sagacity  ;  the  substance  of  which  is  here 
related. 

The  conversation  was  held  at  the  house  of 
Colonel  SamueL  Overton,  who,  in  the  presence 
of  several  other  gentlemen,  inquired  of  Henry 
whether  he  supposed  that  Great  Britain  would 
drive  her  colonies  to  extremities ;  and,  if  so,  what 
would  be  the  issue  of  the  war.  "  Sir,"  said 
Henry  in  reply,  after  looking  round  the  company 


284  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

to  see  tliat  none  but  confidential  persons  were 
present,  "  she  will  drive  us  to  extremities ;  no 
accommodation  will  take  pJace ;  hostilities  will 
soon  commence,  and  a  desperate  and  bloody 
contest  it  will  be."  "  Do  you  think,"  continued 
Overton,  "  that,  destitute  as  we  are  of  arms, 
ammunition,  ships  of  war,  and  money  to  procure 
them,  we  can  possibly  make  any  effectual  resist- 
ance to  the  forces  wliich  Great  Britain  will  send 
against  us  ?  "  "  To  be  candid  with  you,"  re- 
plied Henry,  '•  I  doubt  whether  we  should  be 
able  to  cope  single-handed  with  so  formidable  an 
adversary ;  but,"  continued  he,  rising  from  his 
seat,  with  great  vivacity,  "  do  you  suppose  that 
France,  Spain,  and  HoHand,  the  natural  enemies 
of  Great  Britain,  will  look  on  q^tly  and  see  us 
crushed  ?  Will  Louis  the  Sixteenth  be  asleep  at 
such  a  crisis  ?  No,  Sir  !  When  he  shall  be  satis- 
fied, by  the  vigor  of  our  resistance,  and  by  our 
declaration  of  independence,  that  we  are  in  earn- 
est, he  will  furnish  us  with  supplies,  send  us 
fleets  and  armies  to  fight  our  battles  for  us,  and 
make  a  treaty,  offensive  and  defensive,  with  us 
against  our  unnatural  mother,  ^pain  and  Hol- 
land will  join  the  alliance  ;  our  independence  will 
be  established,  and  we  shall  take  our  place  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth." 

On   the   5th  of  September,  1774,  the  deputies 
to  the  General  Congress  met  at  Carpenter's  Hall, 


PATRICK     HENRY.  285 

in  Philadelpliia.  Peyton  Randolph  was  chosen 
president.  After  the  formal  organization  had 
been  completed,  the  proceedings  were  opened 
by  a  speech  from  Henry,  which  was  followed  by 
another  from  Richard  Henry  Lee.  No  report 
of  these  speeches  has  been  preserved,  but  they 
are  represented  by  Mr.  Wirt,  on  the  authority 
of  those  who  heard  them,  as  liaving  been  in 
the  highest  degree  powerful  and  impressive. 
Committees  were  shortly  after  appointed  to  pre- 
pare a  petition  to  the  king,  an  address  to  the 
people  of  England,  and  another  to  the  in- 
habitants of  British  America.  In  consequence 
of  their  general  reputation,  as  well  as  of  the 
splendid  display  of  eloquence  which  they  had 
already  made,  Henry  and  Lee  were  intrusted 
respectively  with  the  duty  of  preparing  the  first 
and  second  of  these  documents.  It  appeared, 
however,  in  the  sequel,  that  the  capacity  of  these 
gentlemen  for  literary  composition  and  regular 
argument  was  not  upon  a  level  with  their  gift  in 
speech.  The  drafts  which  they  reported  gave, 
in  both  cases,  so  little  satisfaction,  that  they  were 
recommitted,  and,  others  substituted  for  them,  the 
petition  to  the  king  having  been  drafted  by  Mr. 
Jay,  and  the  address  to  the  people  of  England  by 
Mr.  Dickinson. 

Judge  Chase,  of  Maryland,  who  was  a  member 
of  this  Congress,  on  hearing  the  first  speeches  of 


2S6  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Henry  and  Lee,  walked  across  the  floor  to  the 
seat  of  his  colleague,  and  said  to  him,  in  an  under 
tone,  "  We  may  as  well  go  home  ;  we  are  not 
able  to  legislate  with  these  men."  After  their 
talent  for  transacting  the  public  affairs  had  been 
tested,  the  judge  was  heard  to  remark,  "  I  find, 
after  all,  they  are  but  men,  and,  in  mere  matters 
of  business,  but  very  common  men." 

No  account  has  been  preserved  of  any  further 
proceedings  of  Henry  in  this  Congress,  which 
closed  its  sittings  in  October.  On  his  return 
home,  Henry  was,  of  course,  surrounded  by  his 
neighbors,  who  were  eager  to  learn  the  particulars 
of  the  debates,  and  inquired,  among  other  things, 
whom  he  thought  the  greatest  man  in  Congi-ess. 
"  If  you  speak  of  eloquence," .  replied  Henry, 
"  Mr.  Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina,  is  by  far  the 
greatest  orator ;  but  if  you  speak  of  solid  in- 
formation and  sound  judgment,  Colonel  Wash- 
ington is  unquestionably  the  greatest  man  on 
that  floor."  Washington,  though  still  compara- 
tively young,  had  already  developed,  in  a  pro- 
tracted career  of  service,  his  eminent  capacity 
for  military  aflairs,  and  the  practical  despatch  of 
business ;  he  had  been  for  many  years  a  member 
of  the  Assembly,  and  had  exhibited,  under  all 
circumstances,  and  on  various  trying  occasions, 
the  moral  elevation  of  character,  which  was  the 


PATIPICK     HKNRY.  287 

great  secret  of  his  subsequent  influence  and 
success. 

Oil  the  20th  of  March,  1775,  the  Virginia 
Convention,  v/hich  had  met  the  preceding  year 
at  Wilhamsburg,  came  together,  for  tlie  second 
time,  at  Richmond.  Henry  was  a  member  of  this 
body.  It  has  ah-eady  been  remarked,  that  the 
pubhc  opinion  and  feehng  throughout  the  colonies 
were  not  yet  prepared  for  a  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence. This  was  evinced,  so  far  as  Virginia 
was  concerned,  by  the  terms  of  the  instructions 
given  by  the  Wilhamsburg  Convention  to  their 
deputies  in  Congress,  which,  in  connection  with 
a  vigorous  and  plain-spoken  statement  of  griev- 
ances, breathe  a  spirit  of  loyalty  to  the  king  and 
attachment  to  the  mother  countrv. 

A  similar  tone  marked  the  proceedings  of  the 
Congress  itself;  and,  when  the  Williamsburg 
Convention  met  for  the  second  time,  the  pre- 
vailing sentiment  among  the  members  was  ap- 
parently pacific  and  conciliatory.  The  two  first 
days  were  employed  in  passing  resolves  of  a 
merely  formal  and  complimentary  cliaracter  in 
honor  of  the  deputies  to  Congress,  and  of  tiie 
legislature  of  Jamaica,  which  had  presented  a 
petition  to  the  king  in  favor  of  the  claims  of  the 
colonies.  These  proceedings  appeared  to  Henry 
altogether  too  tame  for  tlie  exigencies  of  the 
crisis.     He  had  made  up  his  mind  that  the  tim.e 


288  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

for  conciliation  was  over,  and  that  the  controversy 
had  reached  the  point,  where  there  was  no  other 
issue  but  an  appeal  to  actual  force.  Preparation 
for  the  military  defence  of  the  colony  was,  of 
course,  in  this  view,  the  only  appropriate  measure, 
and  Henry  conceived  that  the  activity  of  the 
Convention  ought  to  take  this  direction.  He 
accordingly  moved  the  following  resolutions ; 

'•  Pvesolved,  That  a  well-regulated  militia,  com- 
posed of  gentlemen  and  yeomen,  is  the  natural 
strength  and  only  security  of  a  free  government ; 
that  such  a  mihtia  in  this  colony  would  for  ever 
render  it  unnecessary  for  the  mother  country  to 
keep  among  us,  for  the  purpose  of  our  defence, 
any  standing  army  of  mercenary  soldiers,  always 
subversive  of  the  quiet  and  dangerous  to  the 
liberties  of  the  people,  and  would  obviate  the 
pretext  of  taxing  us  for  their  support. 

"  That  the  estabhshment  of  such  a  militia  is 
at  this  time  peculiarly  necessary,  by  the  state 
of  our  laws,  for  the  protection  and  defence 
of  the  country,  some  of  which  are  already  ex- 
pired, and  others  will  shortly  be  so ;  and  that  the 
known  remissness  of  government,  in  calling  us 
together  in  a  legislative  capacity,  renders  it  too 
insecure,  in  this  time  of  danger  and  distress,  to 
rely  that  opportunity  will  be  given  of  renewing 
them  in  General  Assembly,  or  making  any  pro- 
vision to  secure  our  inestimable  rights  and  liber- 


PATRICK     HENRY.  289 

ties  from  those  further  violations  with  which  they 
are  threatened. 

"Resolved,  therefore,  That  this  colony  be 
immediately  put  into  a  state  of  defence,  and 
that  a  committee  be  raised  to  prepare  a  plan 
for  imbodying,  arming,  and  disciplining  such  a 
number  of  men  as  may  be  sufficient  for  that 
purpose." 

On    this    occasion,    as    in   the   debate    on    the 
Stamp  Act,  the   views  of  Henry  were  not  only 
far  in  advance  of  the  general  sentiment  of  the 
country,  but  went  beyond  those  of  the  most  ac- 
tive patriots  in  the  Convention.     Bland,  Harrison, 
and  Pendleton,  who  had  been  members  of  Con- 
gress, with  Robert  C.  Nicholas,  one  of  the  ablest 
and  most  respected  citizens,  resisted  with  all  their 
might   the   passage    of  these    resolutions.     They 
urged,    in   opposition    to    them,  with   great  elo- 
quence,   the  more  conciliatory   temper    that  had 
lately  been  professed  by  the  king  and  his  minis- 
ters,   the    utter   hopelessness   of  a   contest    with 
Great  Britain,  the   intimate  and  endearing  char- 
acter  of  the    ties   that   had    hitherto   connected 
the    colonies  with   the  mother  country,   and  the 
advantages  of  various  kinds   which  had   accrued 
to  both  the  parties  from  the  connection. 

It  is  apparent,  from  the  arguments  which  they 
employed,  that  these  eminent  statesmen  and  pa- 
triots  still  clung  with  confidence  to  the  hope  of 

VOL     I.  19 


290  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

preserving  the  union.  Henry  replied  to  their 
arguments,  and  sustained  his  resolutions  in  a 
speech  which  is  given  by  Mr.  Wirt  in  a  report 
furnished  by  Judae  Tucker,  who  heard  it  de- 
livered. This  is  one  of  the  most  powerful  speci- 
mens, that  have  come  down  to  us,  of  Henry's 
eloquence.  It  is  inserted  here  from  the  report 
of  Judge  Tucker,  v>'ith  the  substitution  of  the 
first  for  the  third  person. 

"  No  man  can  think  more  highly  than  I  do 
of  the  patriotism,  as  well  as  abilities,  of  the  very 
worthy  gentlemen  who  have  just  addressed  the 
House.  But  different  men  often  see  the  same 
subject  in  different  lights  ;  and,  therefore,  I  hope 
it  will  not  be  thought  disrespectful  to  those  gen- 
tlemen, if,  entertaining,  as  I  do,  opinions  of  a 
character  very  opposite  to  theirs,  I  sliall  speak 
forth  my  sentiments  freely,  and  without  reserve. 
This  is  no  time  for  ceremony.  The  question 
before  the  House  is  one  of  awful  moment  to 
the  country.  For  my  own  part,  I  consider  it 
as  nothing  less  than  a  question  of  freedom  or 
slavery.  And  in  proportion  to  the  magnitude 
of  the  subject  ouglit  to  be  the  freedom  of 
the  debate.  It  is  only  in  this  way  that  we  can 
hope  to  arrive  at  truth,  and  fulfil  the  great 
responsibility  which  we  hold  to  God  and  our 
country.  Should  I  keep  back  my  opinions  at 
such  a   time,    through   fear  of   giving    offence,  I 


PATRICK     HENRY.  291 

should  consider  myself  as  guilty  of  treason  to- 
wards my  country,  and  of  an  act  of  disloyalty 
towards  the  majesty  of  Heaven,  which  I  revere 
above  all  earthly  kings. 

"  Mr.  President,  it  is  natural  to  man  to  indulge 
in  the  illusions  of  Hope.  "We  are  apt  to  shut 
our  eyes  against  a  painful  truth,  and  listen  to 
the  song  of  that  siren,  till  she  transforms  us  into 
beasts.  Is  this  the  part  of  wise  men,  engaged  in 
a  great  and  arduous  struggle  for  liberty  ?  Are 
we  disposed  to  be  of  the  number  of  those,  who 
having  eyes,  see  not,  and  having  ears,  hear  not, 
ihe  things  which  so  nearly  concern  their  temporal 
salvation  ?  For  my  part,  whatever  anguish  of 
spirit  it  may  cost,  I  am  willing  to  know  the 
whole  truth ;  to  know  the  worst,  and  to  provide 
for  it. 

'•  I  have  but  one  lamp  by  which  my  feet  are 
guided  ;  and  that  is  the  lamp  of  experience.  I 
know  of  no  v/ay  of  judging  of  the  future  but  by 
the  past.  And  judging  by  the  past,  I  wish  to 
know  what  there  has  been  in  the  conduct  of  the 
British  ministry,  for  the  last  ten  years,  to  justify 
those  hopes  with  which  gentlemen  have  been 
pleased  to  solace  themselves  and  the  House.  Is 
it  that  insidious  smile  with  which  our  petition  has 
been  lately  received?  Trust  it  not.  Sir;  it  will 
prove  a  snare  to  your  feet.  Suffer  not  yourselves 
to  be  betrayed  by  a  kiss.     Ask   yourselves  how 


292  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

this  gracious  reception  of  our  petition  comports 
with  those  warUke  preparations,  which  cover  our 
waters  and  darken  our  land.  Are  fleets  and 
armies  necessary  to  a  work  of  love  and  reconcilia- 
tion ?  Have  we  shown  ourselves  so  unwilling  to 
be  reconciled,  that  force  must  be  called  in  to  win 
back  our  love  ?  Let  us  not  deceive  ourselves, 
Sir.  These  are  the  implements  of  war  and  sub- 
jugation ;  the  last  arguments  to  which  kings  re- 
sort. I  ask  gentlemen,  Sir,  what  means  this 
martial  array,  if  its  purpose  be  not  to  force  us 
to  submission  ?  Can  gentlemen  assign  any  other 
possible  motive  for  it  ?  Plas  Great  Britain  any 
enemy  in  this  quarter  of  the  world,  to  call  for  all 
this  accumulation  of  navies  and  armies  ?  No, 
Sir,  she  has  none.  They  are  meant  for  us  ;  they 
can  be  meant  for  no  other.  They  are  sent  over 
to  bind  and  rivet  upon  us  those  chains,  which  the 
British  ministry  have  been  so  long  forging.  And 
what  have  we  to  oppose  to  them  ?  Shall  we 
try  argument?  Sir,  we  have  been  trying  that 
for  the  last  ten  years.  Have  we  anything  new 
to  ofier  upon  the  subject?  Nothing.  We  have 
held  the  subject  up  in  every  light  of  which  it 
is  capable ;  but  it  has  been  all  in  vain.  Shall 
we  resort  to  entreaty  and  humble  supplication  ? 
What  terms  shall  we  find,  which  have  not  been 
already  exhausted?  Let  us  not,  I  beseech  you, 
Sir,  deceive  ourselves  longer.     Sir,  we  have  done 


PATRICK     HENRI.  293 

evcrytliing  that  could  be  done,  to  avert  the 
storm  wliich  is  now  coming  on.  We  have  peti- 
tioned ;  we  have  remonstrated ;  we  have  suppli- 
cated ;  we  have  prostrated  ourselves  before  the 
throne,  and  have  implored  its  interposition  to 
arrest  the  tyrannical  hands  of  the  Ministry  and 
Parliament.  Our  petitions  have  been  slighted ; 
our  remonstrances  have  produced  additional  vio- 
lence and  insult ;  our  supplications  have  been 
disregarded ;  and  we  have  been  spurned,  with 
contempt,  from  the  foot  of  the  throne.  In  vain, 
after  these  things,  may  we  indulge  the  fond  hope 
of  peace  and  reconciliation.  There  is  no  longer 
any  room  for  hope.  If  we  wish  to  be  free  :  if 
we  mean  to  preserve  inviolate  those  inestimable 
privileges  for  which  we  have  been  so  long  con- 
tending ;  if  we  mean  not  basely  to  abandon  the 
noble  struggle  in  which  we  have  been  so  long 
engaged,  and  which  we  have  pledged  ourselves 
never  to  abandon,  until  the  glorious  object  of  our 
contest  shall  be  obtained ;  we  must  fight !  I 
repeat  it,  Sir,  we  must  fight !  An  appeal  to 
arms,  and  to  the  God  of  hosts,  is  all  that  is 
teft  us. 

"  They  tell  us.  Sir,  tliat  we  are  weak ;  unable 
to  cope  with  so  formidable  an  adversary.  But 
wlien  shall  we  be  stronger  ?  Will  it  be  the  next 
week  or  the  next  year  ?     Will  it  be  when  we  are 


291  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

totally  disarmed,  and  when  a  British  guard  shall 
be  stationed  in  every  house  ?  Shall  we  gather 
strength  by  irresolution  and  inaction  ?  Shall  we 
acquire  the  means  of  effectual  resistance  by  lying 
supinely  on  our  backs,  and  hugging  the  delusive 
phantom  of  hope,  until  our  enemies  shall  have 
bound  us  hand  and  foot  ?  Sir,  we  are  not  weak, 
if  we  make  a  proper  use  of  those  means  which 
the  God  of  nature  hath  placed  in  our  power. 
Three  millions  of  people,  armed  in  the  holy  cause 
of  liberty,  and  in  such  a  country  as  that  which 
we  possess,  are  invincible  by  any  force  which 
our  enemy  can  send  against  us.  Besides,  Sir, 
we  shall  not  fight  our  battles  alone.  There  is  a 
just  God,  who  presides  over  the  destinies  of 
nations,  and  who  will  raise  up  friends  to  fight 
our  batdes  for  us.  The  battle,  Sir,  is  not  to  the 
strong  alone  ;  it  is  to  the  vigilant,  the  active,  tiie 
brave.  Besides,  Sir,  we  have  no  election.  If  we 
were  base  enough  to  desire  it,  it  is  now  too  late 
to  retire  from  the  contest.  There  is  no  retreat 
but  in  submission  and  slavery.  Our  chains  are 
forged.  Their  clanking  may  be  heard  on  the 
plains  of  Boston.  The  war  is  inevitable ;  and 
let  it  come !     I  repeat  it.  Sir,  let  it  come  ! 

"  It  is  vain.  Sir,  to  extenuate  the  matter.     Gen 
tlemcn   may   cry.  Peace,  peace ;  but  there   is  no 
peace.     The  war  is  actually   begun.     The    next 


PATRICK      HENRY.  295 

gale  that  sweeps  from  the  north  will  bring  to  our 
ears  the  clash  of  resounding  arms.  Our  breth- 
ren are  already  in  the  field.  Why  stand  we 
here  idle?  What  is  it  tiiat  gentlemen  wish? 
What  would  they  have  ?  Is  life  so  dear,  or 
peace  so  sweet,  as  to  be  purchased  at  the  price 
of  chains  and  slavery  ?  Forbid  it,  Almighty 
God  !  I  know  not  what  course  others  may 
take ;  but,  as  for  me,  give  me  liberty,  or  give 
me  death ! " 

This  spirited  and  powerful  speech  determined 
the  character  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Con- 
vention. After  another  eloquent  speech  from 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  in  support  of  the  resolutions, 
a  committee,  of  which  Henry  and  Washington 
were  among  the  members,  was  appointed  to  pre- 
pare and  report  a  plan  for  the  organization  of  the 
militia.  The  report  was  accordingly  made,  and 
the  plan  adopted ;  after  which,  and  the  transaction 
of  some  other  business  of  less  importance,  the 
Convention  closed  its  session. 


296  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY 


CHAPTER   V. 

Military  Movements.  —  Henry  appointed  Command- 
er-in- Chief  of  the  Virginia  Forces.  —  Resigns 
his  Commission.  —  Elected  the  first  Governor 
under  the  new  Constitution. 

Under  the  present  system  of  conducting 
political  and  military  affairs  in  the  Christian 
world,  it  rarely  happens  that  the  same  persons, 
whose  opinions  in  council  and  eloquence  in  de- 
bate determine  the  commencement  of  hostile 
relations  between  two  countries,  are  called  upon 
themselves  to  share  the  personal  hardships  and 
dangers  of  the  conflict.  The  political  leaders, 
who  direct  the  concerns  of  nations,  content 
themselves,  in  general,  with  declaring  wars,  and 
leave  it  to  others  to  carry  them  on.  It  has 
sometimes  been  thought  that  this  division  of  la- 
bor has  a  tendency  to  render  wars  more  fre- 
quent, and  that  ■  statesmen  would  be  less  prompt 
in  urging  a  resort  to  arms,  if  the  blood  which 
is  to  flow  were  to  be  their  own.  However  this 
may  be,  it  was  pretty  soon  apparent  that  Patrick 
Henry  was  not  one  of  those  persons,  who  are 
disposed  to  shrink  themselves  from  the  dangers 
to  which  they  may  deem  it  necessary  to  expose 
their  countrymen.     We  have  thus  far  seen  him 


PATRICK     HENRY.  297 

engaged    in    the    various    civil    employments    of 
cultivator,  merchant,  lau^yer,  and  statesman.     At 
the  next  stage  in  his  career,  we  find  him  assum- 
ing the   character  of  a  military  leader,  and  dis- 
charging its  duties  with    a    spirit    and  efficiency 
which  seem  to  show  that,  if  circumstances  of  a 
wholly  accidental    nature    had   not  checked    his 
progress,  his  energies  would  probably  have  taken 
this  direction,    and    given   him    as    high    a    rank 
among  the  warriors  of  his  country  as  he  has  in 
fact  obtained  among  her   orators  and  statesmen 
When  the   state  of   the    controversy  with  the 
mother  country  began  to  render  it  probable,  that 
it   would  be    necessary   to    resort    to    arms,    the 
Governors  of  the  several  colonies,  either  in  con- 
sequence of  instructions  from  home,  or  of  a  con- 
cert among  themselves,  attempted,  at  about  the 
same  time,  to  get  possession  of  the  military  stores 
at  all  the  various  points  at  which  they  had  been 
collected.     On  the  20th  of  April,  1775,  the  day 
following   the    celebrated    19th   of   April,   which 
was    distinguished  by  the   attempt   of  Governor 
Gage,    in    Massachusetts,    to    seize    the    military 
stores  at  Cambrid^-e  and  Concord  in  IMassachu- 
setts,  a  similar  proceeding  took  place  in  Virginia 
under  the  direction  of  Lord  Dunmore.      About 
midnight.  Captain  Collins,  of  the  armed  scliooner 
Magdalen,    then    lying   at    Burwell's    Ferry,    on 
James  River,  entered   the   citv   of  Williamsburs:, 


298  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

at  the  head  of  a  body  of  marines,  and  carried 
away  from  the  pubhc  magazine  about  twenty 
barrels  of  powder,  which  he  succeeded  in  get- 
ting on  board  his  schooner  before   day. 

The  next  morning,  when  tlie  transaction  was 
made  known,  it  created  great  excitement  among 
the  inhabitants,  and  a  considerable  number  of 
them  mustered  in  arms  for  the  purpose  of  com- 
pelling Captain  Collins  to  restore  the  powder. 
The  members  of  the  municipal  government,  with 
some  difficulty,  restrained  this  tumultuous  move- 
ment ;  but  afterwards,  in  their  corporate  capacity, 
addressed  a  memorial  to  Lord  Dunmore  on  the 
subject.  The  Governor  returned  a  verbal  an- 
swer, in  which  he  stated,  that,  having  heard  of 
an  insurrection  in  a  neighboring  county,  he  had 
thought  it  necessary  to  remove  the  powder  to  a 
place  of  safety,  but  assured  the  petitioners,  upon 
his  word  of  honor,  that,  whenever  it  was  wanted 
for  any  proper  purpose,  it  should  be  delivered. 
This  assurance,  supported  by  the  influence  of 
Peyton  Randolph,  R.  C.  Nicholas,  and  other 
prominent  and  popular  citizens,  restored  for  a 
time  the  public  tranquillity. 

In  the  course  of  the  following  night,  however, 
a  false  report  was  circulated  that  a  body  of  ma- 
rines had  again  landed  from  the  Magdalen,  at 
some  distance  from  the  city,  for  the  purpose  of 
plunder.      The   inhabitants  again    rose    in   arinn, 


PATRICK      HENRY.  299 

and,  by  the  intervention  of  the  same  eminent 
patriots,  were  a  second  time  persuaded  to  lay 
them  aside.  The  next  day,  when  tranquilHty 
was  entirely  restored,  the  Governor  sent  a  mes- 
sage into  the  city  by  one  of  the  magistrates,  to 
inform  the  people  that,  if  they  offered  the  least 
violence  to  his  secretary,  Captain  Foy,  or  to  Cap- 
tain Collins,  he  would  set  the  slaves  at  liberty, 
and  lay  the  town  in  ashes.  This  threat,  issued 
without  any  apparent  necessity,  since  the  two 
officers  whom  it  was  intended  to  protect  had 
been  quietly  walking  the  streets  without  mol- 
estation througliout  the  whole  disturbance,  in- 
creased the  irritation  of  the  inhabitants,  which 
did  not,  however,  at  the  moment,  show  itself  in 
any  further  act  of  open  insurrection. 

While  the  accounts  of  these  proceedings  were 
rapidly  circulating  througliout  the  colony,  intelli 
gence  came  on  from  the  east  of  the  events  of  the 
19th  of  April  at  Lexington  and  Concord.  The 
effect  was  electrical.  The  volunteer  companies, 
which  had  recently  been  formed,  for  purposes 
of  discipline,  under  the  direction  of  Lord  Dun- 
more  himself,  assembled  in  arms  in  every  county. 
By  the  27th  of  April,  seven  hundred  men,  well 
armed  and  disciplined,  styling  themselves  friends 
of  constitutional  liberty  and  America,  were  col- 
lected at  Fredericksburg,  with  the  intention  of 
marching  to  the   capital.      This   movement  was 


300  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

checked  by  an  express,  received  from  Peyton 
Randolph  on  the  29th  of  April,  stating  that  the 
gentlemen  of  Williamsburg  and  its  neighborhood 
were  satisfied  with  the  result  of  the  seizure  of 
the  powder,  and  advised  tlie  volunteers  to  pro- 
ceed no  farther.  On  the  receipt  of  this  express, 
a  council  was  held,  consisting  of  a  hundred  and 
two  persons,  officers  of  companies,  or  delegates 
to  the  provincial  Convention,  who,  after  express- 
ing in  the  strongest  terms  their  opinion  of  the 
Governor's  proceedings,  and  their  readiness  to 
march  at  a  moment's  warning,  whenever  it  might 
be  necessary,  in  defence  of  their  rights  and  lib- 
erty, recommended  to  their  comrades  to  return, 
for  the  present,  to  their  homes.  They  also  sent 
off  messengers,  with  advices  to  the  same  effect, 
to  other  meetings  of  a  similar  kind,  which  had 
been  called  in  several  other  parts  of  the  colony. 
In  this  way,  tlie  movement  was  checked  for 
the  moment  in  every  county,  excepting  Hanover, 
where  Henry  had  again  fixed  his  residence.  Far 
from  sharing  the  solicitude  that  seems  to  have 
been  felt  by  the  prominent  patriots  of  Williams- 
burg to  suppress  any  violent  ebullitions  of  pop- 
ular feeling,  he  was  rather  disposed  to  encour- 
age them,  and  avowed  to  his  confidential  friends 
that  he  considered  the  seizure  of  the  powder 
as  a  fortunate  occurrence.  Convinced  that  hos- 
tilities were  inevitable,  he  was   pleased  with  any 


PATRICK     HENRY.  301 

incident  which  naturally  tended  to  awaken  the 
military  spirit  of  the  colony,  and  induce  the  peo- 
ple to  place  themselves  at  once  in  a  condition 
for  effectual  resistance.  As  soon  as  he  received 
intelligence  of  the  proceedings  at  Williamsburg, 
he  immediately  summoned  the  members  of  the 
volunteer  company  of  Hanover  county  to  meet 
him  in  arms  at  Newcastle,  on  the  2d  of  May, 
on  business  of  urgent  importance.  He  also  called 
together  the  county  committee  at  the  same  time 
and  place. 

At  this  meeting,  after  a  powerful  and  eloquent 
address  from  Henry,  on  the  topics  appropriate  to 
the  occasion,  it  was  decided  to  march  at  once  to 
Williamsburg,  and  either  recover  the  powder,  or 
make  reprisals  to  an  equal  amount  upon  the 
money  in  the  public  treasury.  Captain  Mere- 
dith, who  commanded  the  volunteers,  resigned 
his  commission,  and  consented  to  serve  as  lieu- 
tenant under  Henry,  who  was  immediately  elect- 
ed captain,  and  without  delay  took  up  the  line 
of  march  for  Williamsburg.  Ensign  Goodall,  in 
the  mean  time,  was  ordered  to  cross  the  country 
to  King  William  county,  which  was  the  place 
of  residence  of  the  King's  E^eceivcr-Gcneral, 
Richard  Corbin,  and  to  obtain  from  him  three 
hundred  and  thirty  pounds,  the  estimated  value 
of  th,e  powder,  or  to  take  him  prisoner.  The 
party   reached   the  house  of  Mr.  Corbin   in    the 


30:2  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

night,  and  surrounded  it  for  the  purpose  of  pre- 
venting his  escape.  The  next  morning,  th^y 
were  assured  by  the  ladies  of  the  family  that 
the  Receiver-General  was  not  in  the  house  ;  and, 
after  satisfying  themselves  that  the  statement  was 
correct,  they  left  the  place  and  rejoined  Henry, 
agreeably  to  their  orders,  at  Doncastle's  ordinary, 
about  sixteen  miles  above  Williamsburg. 

The  movement  of  Henry  created  an  intense 
excitement  throughout  the  colony,  and  revived 
at  once  the  military  ardor  which  had  been  mo- 
mentarily checked  by  the  moderating  influence 
of  the  patriots  at  Williamsburg.  The  volunteer 
companies  rose  again  in  all  quarters,  and  marched 
across  the  country  to  join  Henry.  It  is  sup- 
posed that  not  less  than  five  thousand  men  were 
on  their  way  to  meet  him.  The  royalists  were 
alarmed.  The  Governor  immediately  sent  his 
family  on  board  the  Fowey  man-of-w^ar,  which 
was  lying  in  the  harbor,  and  issued  a  proclama- 
tion, in  which  he  denounced  the  movement  as 
treasonable,  and  ordered  the  people  to  oppose 
and  resist  it.  Even  the  prominent  patriots  in- 
clined, as  before,  to  a  pacific  course,  and  de- 
spatched several  expresses  in  succession  to  Hen- 
ry, for  tlie  purpose  of  persuading  him  to  recede 
from  his  design,  and  disband  his  troops.  Henry 
paid  no  attention  to  these  remonstrances,  but 
resolutely  pursued  his  march,   until,  on  arriving 


PATRICK     HENRY.  303 

at  Doncastlc's  ordinary,  he  was  met  by  a  mes- 
senger from  the  Governor,  bringing  him  a  bill 
of  exchange,  drawn  by  the  Receiver-General,  for 
the  value  of  the  powder. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  marines  from  the 
Fowey  had  been  landed,  and  apprehensions  were 
entertained  by  some  that  they  would  make  repri- 
sals, for  the  money  thus  extorted  by  Henry,  upon 
the  public  treasury.  Henry,  in  consequence,  ad- 
dressed a  letter  to  Mr.  Nicholas,  the  treasurer 
of  the  colony,  in  which  he  offered,  if  it  should 
be  thought  necessary  or  expedient,  to  detach  from 
his  own  troops  a  guard  sufficient  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  treasury.  Nicholas  declined  the  offer, 
and  Henry  returned  with  his  volunteers  to  Han- 
over. Two  days  after,  the  Governor  issued  a 
proclamation,  denouncing  the  conduct  of  "  a  cer- 
tain Patrick  Henry"  as  treasonable,  and  cau- 
tioning the  people  not  to  give  him  any  aid  or 
countenance.  No  attempt  was,  however,  made 
to  institute  legal  proceedings  against  him,  or 
to  give  him  any  personal  molestation.  Imme- 
diately after  his  return,  he  proceeded  to  Phila- 
delphia to  take  his  seat  in  Congress.  Pie  was 
escorted  by  a  numerous  cavalcade  of  his  neigh- 
bors as  far  as  the  Potomac,  and  was  met  at  every 
stage  on  his  route  by  addresses  and  other  demon- 
strations of  the  public  regard.  No  accounts  are 
preserved  of  his  action   at  this  session  of  Con- 


304  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

gress  ;  and  a  series  of  events  occurred  soon  after 
in  Virginia,  which  called  for  his  service  in  another 
capacity,  and  withdrew  him  from  the  field  of 
national  politics,  to  which  he  never  after  re- 
turned. 

About  this  time  the  conciliatory  propositions  of 
Lord  North  arrived,  and  the  Governor  convoked 
a  meeting  of  the  House  of  Burgesses.  He  ap- 
peared to  consider  the  troubles  as  entirely  at  an 
end,  and  brought  back  his  lady  and  family  from 
their  retreat  on  board  the  Fowey  to  his  residence 
at  Williamsburg.  Scarcely,  however,  nad  this 
arrangement  been  carried  into  effect,  when  he 
took  alarm  again  at  some  fresh  demonstration  of 
patriotic  feeling  which  occurred  in  the  city,  and 
withdrew  with  his  family  to  the  sloop  of  war, 
from  which  he  never  returned.  The  House  of 
Burgesses  remonstrated  strongly  against  this  pro- 
ceeding, but,  finding  the  Governor  resolute,  they 
at  length  adjourned  to  the  12th  of  October 
having  first  acted  on  and  rejected  the  proposals 
of  the  British  ministry.  Before  the  adjournment, 
they  summoned  a  meeting  of  the  Virginia  Con- 
vention, which  assembled  at  Ptichmond  on  the 
24th   of  July. 

The  proceedings  of  this  body,  of  which  Henry 
was  a  member,  were  marked  with  great  vigor  and 
decision.  Assuming  that  the  Governor,-  by  re- 
tiring from  the  capital  and  taking  up  his  residence 


PATRICK     HENRY.  305 

on  board  a  ship  of  war,  Iiad  virtually  abdicated 
his  authority,  they  constituted  a  Committee  of 
Safety,  to  represent,  in  his  absence,  the  executive 
branch  of  the  government.  An  ordinance  was 
also  passed  for  a  military  organization  of  the 
colony,  which  provided,  among  other  things,  for 
raising  two  regiments  of  regular  soldiers,  to  con- 
sist of  one  thousand  and  twenty  privates,  rank 
and  file.  The  Convention  next  proceeded  to  elect 
officers  for  these  regiments ;  and  the  choice  they 
made  shows,  in  a  very  striking  manner,  how 
strongly  the  public  mind  had  been  impressed  by 
the  vigor  and  efficiency  of  the  late  movement  of 
Henry.  Although  till  now  wholly  inexperienced 
m  military  affairs,  he  was  appointed  not  only 
colonel  of  the  first  regiment,  but  commander-in- 
chief  of  all  the  forces  raised,  or  to  be  raised,  in 
Virginia.  William  Woodford,  who  had  distin- 
guished himself  in  the  preceding  war,  was  ap- 
pointed colonel  of  the  second  regiment.  Wash- 
ington had  already  been  appointed  by  Congress 
commander-in-chief  of  the  continental  army  ;  and 
it  does  not  appear  that  there  was  any  other 
person  in  the  colony,  whose  pretensions,  on  any 
other  ground  but  that  of  mere  seniority,  could  be 
supposed  for  a  moment  to  outweigh  the  brilliant 
services  of  Henry,  both  civil  and  military. 

It   appears,  however,    from   subsequent  occur- 
rences, that  his  appointment  was  not  approved  by 
VOL.  I.  20 


306  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

the  older  patriots,  who  probably  felt  some  jeal- 
ousy of  the  rapid  progress  which  lie  had  already 
made  in  the  political  career,  and  some  disgust  at 
the  freedom  with  which  he  had  opposed  their 
views  on  the  most  important  subjects.  The  Com- 
mittee of  Safety,  which  constituted,  for  the  time, 
the  executive  power  of  the  colony,  was  composed 
of  this  class  of  persons,  under  the  presidency  of 
Edmund  Pendleton,  with  whom  Henry  had  been 
brought  into  collision  at  the  second  meeting  of 
the  Convention.  The  arrangement  of  this  body 
was  such  as  to  render  it  necessary  for  Henry  to 
resign  his  commission  as  colonel  and  commander- 
in-chief  very  shortly  after  his  appointment,  and 
before  he  had  had  an  opportunity  to  exhibit  the 
extent  of  his  capacity  for  this  department  of  the 
public  service. 

In  consequence  of  the  measures  adopted  by 
the  Convention  for  the  military  organization  of  the 
colony.  Lord  Dunmore  considered  it  as  in  a  state 
of  rebellion,  and  employed  himself,  with  the  naval 
and  military  forces  under  his  command,  in  harass- 
ing the  settlements  on  the  coast.  At  the  close 
of  October,  Captain  Squire,  of  the  British  sloop 
of  war  Otter,  threatened  an  attack  on  Hampton, 
in  consequence  of  which  the  inhabitants  sent  to 
the  Committee  of  Safety,  at  Williamsburg,  for 
relief.  Colonel  Woodford,  of  the  second  regi- 
juent,  was  immediately  despatched  witli  a   com- 


PATRICK     HLNRY.  307 

pany  of  riflemen  to  take  command  of  the  troops. 
The  attack  was  repulsed  without  much  diflicuUy. 
Lord  Dunmore  next  directed  his  attention  to  the 
county  of  Norfolk,  where  his  movements  became 
so  distressing,  that  it  appeared  indispensable  to 
check  his  career.  Colonel  Woodford  was  the 
person  called  upon  by  the  Committee  of  Safety 
to  perform  this  service.  He  was  ordered  to  cross 
James  River,  at  Sandy  Point,  with  eight  hundred 
men,   and  bring  Lord  Dunmore  to  action. 

Henry  had  been  desirous  to  be  employed  him- 
self on  this  expedition,  and  had  expressed  his 
wishes  to  the  Committee  of  Safety.  As  com- 
mander-in-chief, it  would  seem  that  he  had  a 
right  to  decide  at  what  point  his  own  presence 
would  be  most  useful ;  but  the  committee,  without 
regard  to  this  consideration,  had  given  the  pref- 
erence to  Woodford.  Henry's  reasons  for  dissat- 
isfaction did  not  end  here.  Colonel  Woodford, 
after  having  been  despatched  on  this  expedition, 
considered  himself  as  under  the  immediate  direc- 
tion of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  or  of  the  Con- 
vention, when  in  session,  and  made  no  commu- 
nications whatever  to  Henry.  On  the  6th  of 
December,  Henry  wrote  him  a  letter,  stating,  in 
civil  terms,  that  he  had  received  no  despatches 
from  him  for  a  long  time,  and  requesting  to 
be  informed  of  his  situation  and  proceedings. 
Woodford  sent  him  the  desired  information,  but 


303  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

remarked,  at  the  same  time,  that,  "  when  joined, 
he  should  always  esteem  himself  immediately 
under  the  command  of  Henry,  and  would  obey 
accordingly  ;  but,  when  sent  to  command  a  sepa- 
rate and  distinct  body  of  troops,  under  the  imme- 
diate instructions  of  the  Committee  of  Safety, 
whenever  that  body,  or  the  honorable  Convention, 
were  sitting,  he  should  look  upon  it  as  his  indis- 
pensable duty  to  address  his  intelligence  to  them, 
as  the  supreme  power  in  the  colony." 

The  question,  having  thus  been  brought  to  a 
direct  issue  between  the  two  officers,  was  referred 
by  Henry  to  the  decision  'of  the  Committee  of 
Safety.  In  the  mean  time,  Woodford  had  ob- 
tained a  brilliant  victory  over  the  British  at  the 
Great  Bridge,  which,  by  stamping  nis  appointment 
with  tlie  seal  of  success,  would  naturally  confirm 
the  confidence  of  the  committee  in  their  own 
Judgment,  and  their  preference  for  Woodford  over 
Henry.  The  correctness  of  Henry's  view  of  the 
subject  was,  however,  too  apparent  to  be  seriously 
questioned,  and  the  committee,  notwithstanding 
their  partiality  for  Woodford,  adopted  the  follow- 
ing order ; 

^' In  Committee,  December,  1775.  Resolved, 
unanimously,  that  Colonel  Woodford,  although 
acting  upon  a  separate  and  detached  command, 
ought  to  correspond  with  Colonel  Henry,  and 
make  returns  to  him,  at  proper  times,  of  the  state 


PATRICK     HENRY.  309 

and  condition  of  the  forces  under  his  command ; 
and  also  that  he  is  subject  to  his  orders,  when  the 
Convention  or  the  Committee  of  Safety  is  not 
sitting ;  but  that,  whilst  either  of  those  bodies  is 
sitting,  he  is  to  receive  his  orders  from  one  of 
them." 

The  letter  of  the  chairman  of  the  committee, 
Mr.  Pendleton,  enclosing  this  order  to  Woodford, 
is  given  by  Mr.  Wirt,  and  exhibits  not  only  par- 
tiality for  Woodford,  but  a  feeling  of  positive 
unkindness  towards  Henry.  "  Beheve  me,  Sir," 
says  Pendleton,  "  the  unlucky  step  of  calling  that 
gentleman  from  our  councils,  where  he  was  use- 
ful, into  the  field  in  an  important  station,  the 
duties  of  which  he  must,  in  the  nature  of  things, 
be  an  entire  stranger  to,  has  given  me  many  an 
anxious  and  uneasy  moment."  And,  again,  "  We 
shall  not  intermeddle  with  the  appointment  of  a 
general  officer  by  Congress,  lest  it  should  be 
thought  propriety  requires  our  calling,  or  rather 
recommending,  our  present  first  officer  to  that 
station."  There  is  some  plausibility  in  the  former 
suggestion;  but  Mr.  Pendleton  well  knew  that 
genius,  like  that  of  Henry,  supphes,  under  all 
circumstances,'  the  want  of  mere  routine.  His 
recent  campaign,  at  the  head  of  the  Hanover 
volunteers,  had  sufficiently  shown  his  capacity  for 
actual  service  in  the  field. 

A    new    aspect  was  given   to   the  position  of 


310  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Henry  as  commander-in-chief,  by  the  arrival  of  a 
corps  of  auxihary  troops,  which  had  been  re- 
quested from  North  Carohna,  and  vvhich  con- 
sisted of  five  or  six  hundred  men,  commanded 
by  Colonel  Howe.  This  officer,  whose  commis- 
sion was  prior  in  date  to  that  of  Woodford,  was 
permitted  by  the  latter  to  take  command  of  all 
the  forces.  In  this  capacity  he  addressed  his 
communications,  as  Woodford  had  done,  to  the 
Committee  of  Safety  or  the  Convention,  without 
regard  to  the  rights  of  Henry  as  commander-in- 
chief,  who  thus  found  himself  set  aside,  and,  as 
it  were,  superseded,  by  an  officer  from  another 
colony  of  only  equal  rank.  The  spirit  which 
prompted  tliese  proceedings  was  displayed  in  a 
still  more  decisive  form. 

Six  regiments  had  been  raised  by  the  Con- 
vention, in  addition  to  the  two  commanded  by 
Henry  and  Woodford  ;  and  an  application  was 
made  to  Congress  to  take  the  Virginia  troops  into 
continental  pay.  In  acting  on  this  subject.  Con- 
gress consented  to  the  request  in  Aivor  of  the  six 
additional  regiments  only.  This  singular  discrimi- 
nation was,  doubtless,  the  result  of  a  suggestion 
from  the  Committee  of  Safety,  ma^e  for  the  pur- 
pose of  disgusting  Henry,  and  of  preventing  him 
from  being  regarded  by  Congress  as  a  candidate 
for  one  of  the  higlier  commissions.  At  this 
point  the  Convention   interfered   in  support  of  the 


PATRICK     HENRY.  311 

coininaiidcr-iii-cliief  of  their  election,  and  remon- 
strated vigorously  against  the  proceedings  of  Con^ 
gress,  and  requested  that,  if  six  regiments  only 
could  be  taken  into  the  continental  service,  the 
tvi'o  that  v^^ere  first  raised  might  be  placed  first  on 
the  list.  Congress  acceded  to  this  request,  but 
still  gave  way  to  the  same  malignant  influence 
that  had  dictated  the  former  arrangement,  so  far 
as  to  confer  the  appointment  of  brigadier-general, 
in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  upon  Colonels 
Howe  and  Lewis,  oflering  Henry  a  commission 
of  colonel.  This  he  without  hesitation  declined, 
and  at  the  same  time  resigned  that  which  he  held 
from  the  authorities  of  his  own  state. 

The  resignation  of  Henry  created  great  dis- 
content in  the  army,  by  whom  he  was  regarded 
with,  enthusiastic  admiration  and  attachment,  as 
the  most  eminent  patriot  in  the  state.  The 
troops  immediately  put  on  mourning,  and  pro- 
ceeded in  military  array  to  his  lodgings,  where  the 
officers  presented  to  him  the  following  address ; 

"  To  Patrick  Henry,  Jim.,  Esq.  Deeply  im- 
pressed with  a  grateful  sense  of  the  obligations 
we  lie  under  to  you,  for  the  polite,  humane,  and 
tender  treatment,  manifested  to  us  throughout  the 
whole  of  your  conduct,  while  we  had  the  honor 
of  being  under  your  command,  permit  us  to  offer 
you  our  sincere  thanks,  as  the  only  tribute  we 
have  in  our  power   to  pay   to  your  real   merits. 


312  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

Notwithstanding  your  withdrawing  yourself  from 
the  service  fills  us  with  the  most  poignant  sorrow, 
as  it  at  once  deprives  us  of  our  father  and  gen- 
eral, yet,  as  gentlemen,  we  are  compelled  to  ap- 
plaud your  spirited  resentment  to  the  most  glaring 
indignity.  May  your  merit  shine  as  conspicuous 
to  the  world  in  general,  as  it  hath  done  to  us,  and 
may  Heaven  shower  its  choicest  blessings  upon 
you." 

To  this  address  Henry  returned  the  following 
answer ; 

''  Gentlemen ;  I  am  exceedingly  obliged  to  you 
for  your  approbation  of  my  conduct.  Your  ad- 
dress does  me  the  highest  honor.  This  kind 
testimony  of  your  regard  for  me  would  have  been 
an  ample  reward  for  services  much  greater  than 
those,  which  I  have  had  the  power  to  perform.  I 
return  you,  and  each  of  you,  gentlemen,  my  best 
acknowledgments  for  the  spirit,  alacrity,  and  zeal, 
you  have  constantly  shown  in  your  several  sta- 
tions. I  am  unhappy  to  part  with  you.  I  leave 
the  service,  but  I  leave  my  heart  with  you.  May 
God  bless  you,  and  give  you  success  and  safety, 
and  make  you  the  glorious  instruments  of  saving 
our  country." 

After  receiving  this  address  from  Henry,  the 
officers  invited  him  to  dine  with  them  at  the 
Raleigh  tavern,  and  were  preparing,  after  dinner, 
to  escort  him  out  of  town.     In  the  mean  time, 


PATRICK     HENRY. 


313 


the  soldiers  had  assembled  in  a  rather  disorderly 
manner,  and  demanded  their  discharge,  declaring 
that  they  would  not  consent  to  serve  under  any 
other  commander  than  Henry.  Perceiving  tliat 
this  movement,  if  not  checked,  might  lead  to 
serious  consequences,  Henry  concluded  to  pass 
another  night  in  town,  during  which  he  visited 
the  troops  at  their  barracks,  and  urged  them  to 
continue  in  the  service,  which,  as  he  said,  he  had 
quitted  for  reasons  interesting  to  himself  alone. 
His  exertions,  backed  by  those  of  other  favorite 
officers,  proved  successful,  and  the  soldiers  ac- 
quiesced without  further  difficulty  in  the  new  ar- 
rangement. 

A  feeling,  similar  to  that  which  prevailed 
among  the  troops  at  Williamsburg,  manifested  it- 
self, with  equal  distinctness,  in  other  forms,  and 
particularly  in  an  address  which  was  signed  by 
more  than  ninety  officers  stationed  at  several 
different  points,  and,  in  part,  under  Colonel 
Woodford's  immediate  command. 

In  consequence  of  these  demonstrations  of 
opinion  and  feeling,  in  regard  to  the  resignation 
of  Henry,  the  Committee  of  Safety  felt  them- 
selves obliged  to  publish  a  defence  of  their  con- 
duct, which  appeared  in  a  leading  newspaper, 
with  the  signature  of  A  Friend  of  Truth.  The 
committee  represent  themselves  as  liaving,  in  the 
first  instance,  requested   that  all  the  state  troops 


314  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

should  be  taken  into  the  continental  service,  and 
that,  when  the  Convention  remonstrated  against 
the  discrimination  made  by  Congress,  the  com- 
mittee, in  transmitting  this  remonstrance,  had 
particularly  urged  a  compliance  with  it,  "  as  a 
point  of  great  consequence  to  our  harmony,  in 
which  may  be  involved  the  good  of  the  common 
cause."  The  defence,  being  thus  confined  to 
a  justification  of  the  formal  proceedings  of  the 
committee,  has,  of  course,  no  tendency  to  repel 
the  real  charge,  which  is  founded  in  the  sup- 
position of  secret  ■  suggestions  of  an  adverse 
character. 

Such  was  tlie  termination  of  the  military  career 
of  Patrick  Henry.  There  can,  of  course,  be  but 
one  opinion,  among  men  of  correct  feeling,  in 
regard  to  the  malignant  intrigue  by  which  it  was 
brought  about ;  but  it  may  well  be  doubted 
whether  the  result  was  in  any  way  really  injurious, 
either  to  Henry  or  the  country.  His  peculiar  gift 
was  eloquence,  for  which  the  mihtary  service 
would  have  afforded  no  field  whatever ;  and,  sup- 
posing even  that  he  had  exhibited,  on  trial,  an 
aptitude  for  warlike  affairs  not  inferior  to  his 
natural  talent  for  public  speaking,  it  may  be  ques- 
tioned whether  the  army,  at  least  in  any  other 
part  than  that  of  commander-in-chief,  afforded  as 
good  a  field  for  honorable  and  useful  activity  as 
the   senate  and  the  bar. 


PATRICK     HENRY. 


315 


As  the  oracle  of  his  native  state,  at  the  time 
beyond  comparison  the  most  prominent  in  the 
country,  he  occupied  as  important  a  place  as 
could  well  have  been  secured  by  any  other  career 
of  service.  Had  his  age  permitted  him  to  take 
part  in  the  debates  of  Congress,  or  to  fill  execu- 
tive offices  under  the  new  constitution,  he  might 
have  been  rather  more  extensively  known  to  his 
contemporaries  at  home  and  abroad  ;  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  by  having  lived  at  a  somewhat  earlier 
period,  and  connected  his  name,  as  he  did,  with 
the  first  movements  of  the  revolution,  he  obtained 
a  very  peculiar  glory,  with  which  hardly  any  other, 
growing  out  of  the  events  of  that  time,  can  come 
into  competition.  The  opposition  which  checked 
his  military  career,  however  unamiable  and  dis- 
creditable to  those  who  were  concerned  in  it,  was 
perhaps  not  unnatural,  considering  the  uncere- 
monious manner  in  which  he  had  resisted  the 
advice  and  authority  of  the  older  political  leaders. 
It  was  fortunate  for  him  that  the  disgust  and 
jealousy,  which  he  thus  provoked,  produced  no 
worse  result  than  his  forced  retreat  from  the  army, 
and  a  passing  mortification,  for  which  he  was 
destined  to  receive  very  early  and  ample  satisfac- 
tion from  his  grateful  fellow-citizens. 

The  state  of  the  relations  between  the  colonies 
and  the  mother  country  virtually  annulled  the 
established    forms    of    government,    and     it    was 


316  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

necessary  for  the  colonies  to  reorganize  their 
pohtical  institutions  on  a  new  foundation.  For 
this  purpose,  each  colony  was  regarded  as  a 
distinct  community,  possessing,  by  the  laws  of 
nature,  an  inherent  right,  under  existing  circum- 
stances, to  adopt  any  form  of  government  which 
it  might  prefer.  The  right  was  exercised  through 
the  agency  of  popular  conventions ;  and  a  meet- 
ing of  this  kind  was  held  at  Williamsburg,  in 
Virginia,  on  the  6th  of  May,  1776.  Henry  was 
elected  a  member  of  this  body  for  the  county  of 
Hanover.  On  the  15th  of  May,  Mr.  Gary  re- 
ported, from  a  committee  of  the  whole  House, 
with  a  suitable  preamble,  two  important  resolu- 
tions, one  of  which  instructed  the  delegates  to 
the  General  Gongress  to  propose  to  that  body  a 
declaration  of  independence  and  a  confederation 
of  the  colonies,  while  the  other  provided  for 
raising  a  committee  to  prepare  a  declaration  of 
rights,  and  a  plan  of  government  for  the  new 
commonwealth  of  Virginia. 

In  pursuance  of  the  second  resolution,  a  conr 
mittec  was  appointed,  consisting  of  thirty-four  ol 
the  most  prominent  patriots,  including  Henry,  and, 
among  the  others,  Mr.  Madison.  On  the  12th 
of  June,  the  committee  reported  a  declaration  of 
rights,  and,  on  the  29th,  a  plan  of  government, 
both  vvliicli  were  unanimously  adopted  by  the 
Convention.     The    declaration    was  prej^ared    bv 


PATRICK     HENRY.  317 

Jefferson,  the  constitution  chiefly  by  George  Ma- 
son, a  neighbor  and  intimate  friend  of  Wash- 
ington. Jefferson  had  transmitted  from  Philadel- 
phia, where  he  was  then  in  attendance  as  a 
member  in  Congress,  to  his  friend,  Mr.  Wythe,  a 
plan  of  government,  accompanied  by  a  decla- 
ration of  rights,  to  be  submitted  to  the  Conven- 
tion. Before  it  was  received,  the  plan  of  the 
committee  had  already  been  adopted;  but  it 
was  subsequently  modified,  in  some  parts,  in  ac- 
cordance with  Mr.  Jefferson's  views,  and  the  dec- 
laration which  he  had  sent  was  prefixed  to  it 
as  a  preamble.  This  document  coincides,  in  its 
general  outline,  and  in  many  particular  passages, 
with  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  which  was 
issued,  on  the  4th  of  July  following,  by  the  Gen- 
eral Congress ;  and,  as  Mr.  Jefferson's  name  was 
not  at  the  time  publicly  connected  with  the 
Virginia  Declaration,  he  has  sometimes,  on  the 
strength  of  this  coincidence,  been  accused  of 
plagiarism  in  preparing  that  of  the  4th  of  July. 
It  is  sufficient  to  say,  in  answer  to  this  imputation, 
that  the  plan  of  government  which  he  transmitted 
to  Mr.  Wythe,  including  the  Declaration  as  it  now 
stands  in  the  statute-book,  are  still  preserved,  in 
Mr.  Jefferson's  hand-writing,  in  the  .archives  of 
Virginia. 

By  the  new   constitution,  the   executive  power 
was   committed    to  a  chief  magistrate,  with  the 


318  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

title  of  governor,  to  be  annually  elected  by  the 
legislature,  and  to  be  eligible  for  three  successive 
terms.  For  the  purpose  of  putting  the  measure 
at  once  in  operation,  the  Convention  took  upon 
themselves  the  responsibility  of  designating  the 
chief  magistrate,  and  thus  obtained  an  opportu- 
nity of  compensating  Henry,  by  a  signal  mark 
of  public  favor,  for  the  glaring  indignity  which, 
in  the  language  of  the  address  from  the  troops, 
had  been  offered  him  by  the  Committee  of 
Safety.  On  proceeding  to  a  choice,  the  votes 
stood  as  follows ;  Patrick  Henry,  sixty ;  Thomas 
Nelson,  forty-five ;  John  Page,  one.  Nelson 
had  been  president  of  the  council,  under  the 
preceding  government,  and  was  probably  put 
forvv'ard  by  the  friends  of  the  committee,  as 
an  opponent  to  Henry.  He  was  afterwards 
elected  a  member  of  the  new  council,  but  de- 
clined the  appointment  on  the  score  of  age  and 
infirmity. 

In  answer  to  the  notice  of  his  election,  com- 
municated to  him  by  a  committee  of  the  Con- 
vention, tlie  new  Governor  returned  the  following 
address ; 

"  To  the  Honorable  the  President  and  House 
of  Convention.  Gentlemen  ;  The  vote  of  this 
day,  appointing  me  Governor  of  the  common- 
wealth, has  been  notified  to  me,  in  the  most 
polite   and   obliging   manner,  by  George  Mason, 


PATRICK     HENRY.  319 

Henry  Lee,  Dudley  Digges,  John  Blair,  and 
Bartholomew  Dandridge,  Esquires. 

"  A  sense  of  the  high  and  unmerited  honor 
conferred  upon  me  by  the  Convention  fills  my 
heart  with  gratitude,  which  I  trust  my  whole  life 
will  manifest.  I  take  this  earliest  opportunity  to 
express  my  thanks,  which  I  wish  to  convey  to 
you,  gentlemen,  in  the  strongest  terms  of  ac- 
knowledgment. 

"  When  I  reflect  that  the  tyranny  of  the  Brit- 
ish King  and  Parliament  hath  kindled  a  formi- 
dable war,  now  raging  throughout  this  wide-ex- 
tended continent,  and  in  the  operations  of  which 
this  commonwealth  must  bear  so  great  a  part ; 
and  that,  from  the  events  of  this  war,  the  lasting 
happiness  or  misery  of  a  gi-eat  proportion  of  the 
human  species  will  finally  result;  that,  in  order 
to  preserve  this  commonwealth  from  anarchy,  and 
its  attendant  ruin,  and  to  give  vigor  to  our  coun- 
cils, and  effect  to  all  our  measures,  government 
hath  been  necessarily  assumed,  and  new-mod- 
elled ;  that  it  is  exposed  to  numberless  hazards, 
and  perils,  in  its  infantine  state  ;  that  it  can  never 
attain  to  m.aturity,  or  ripen  into  firmness,  unless 
it  is  guided  by  an  aftectionate  assiduity,  and 
managed  by  great  abilities  ;  [  lament  my  want 
jf  talents  ;  I  feel  my  mind  filled  with  anxiety 
and  uneasiness,  to  find  myself  so  unequal  to  the 
duties  of  that  important  station,  to  which  I  am 


32^  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

called,  by  the  favor  of  my  fellow-citizens,  at  this 
truly  critical  conjuncture.  The  errors  of  my 
conduct  shall  be  atoned  for,  so  far  as  I  am  able, 
by  unwearied  endeavors  to  secure  the  freedom 
and  happiness  of  our  common  country. 

"  I  shall  enter  upon  the  duties  of  my  office, 
whenever  you,  Gentlemen,  shall  be  pleased  to 
direct ;  relying  upon  the  known  wisdom  and 
virtue  of  your  honorable  House  to  supply  my 
defects,  and  to  give  permanency  and  success  to 
that  system  of  government  which  you  have 
founded,  and  which  is  so  wisely  calculated  to  se- 
cure equal  liberty,  and  advance  human  happi- 
ness. 

*'  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Gentlemen,  your  most 
obedient  and  very  humble  servant, 

"P.  Henry,  Jun." 

The  election  of  Henry  as  Governor  was  re- 
ceived with  great  favor  by  the  public,  and  espe- 
cially by  the  troops.  The  two  regiments,  which 
he  had  recently  commanded,  presented  to  him 
the  following  address  ; 

"  May  it  please  your  Excellency ;  Permit  us, 
with  the  sincercst  sentiments  of  respect  and  joy, 
to  congratulate  your  Excellency  upon  your  unso- 
licited promotion  to  the  highest  honors  a  grate- 
ful people  can  bestow.  Uninfluenced  by  private 
ambition,  regardless  of  sordid  interest,  you  have 
uniformly  pursued  the  general  good  of  your  coun- 


PATRICK     HENRY.  321 

try;  and  have  taught  the  world,  that  an  ingen- 
uous love  of  the  rights  of  mankind,  an  inflexi- 
ble resolution,  and  a  steady  perseverance  in  the 
practice  of  every  public  and  private  virtue,  lead 
directly  to  preferment,  and  give  the  best  title 
to  the  honors  of  our  uncorrupted  and  vigorous 
state. 

^'Once  happy  under  your  mihtary  command, 
we  hope  for  more  extensive  blessings  from  youi 
civil  administration. 

"  Intrusted  as  your  Excellency  is,  in  some 
measure,  with  the  support  of  a  young  empire, 
our  hearts  are  willing,  and  our  arms  ready,  to 
maintain  your  authority  as  chief  magistrate  ; 
happy  that  we  have  lived  to  see  the  day,  when 
freedom  and  equal  rights,  established  by  the  voice 
of  the  people,  shall  prevail  through  the  land. 

'•  We  are,  may  it  please  your  Excellency,  your 
Excellency's  most  devoted  and  most  obedient 
servants." 

To  this  address  Henry  returned  the  following 
ans\Ver  ; 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  First  and  Second  Virginia 
Regiments ;  Your  address  does  me  the  highest 
honor.  Be  pleased  to  accept  my  most  cordial 
thanks  for  your  favorable  and  kind  sentiments 
of   my  principles  and  conduct. 

"  The  high  appointment  to  which  my  fellow- 
citizens  have  called  me  was,  indeed,  unsolicited^ 

VOL.    I.  21 


322  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

unmeriied.  I  am,  thereforo,  under  increased  ob- 
ligations to  promote  the  safety,  dignity,  and  hap- 
piness of  the  commonwealth. 

"  While  the  civil  powers  are  employed  in  es- 
tablishing a  system  of  government,  liberal,  equi- 
table, in  every  part  of  which, the  genius  of  equal 
liberty  breathes  her  blessed  influence,  to  you  is 
assigned  the  glorious  task  of  saving,  by  your 
valor,  all  that  is  dear  to  mankind.  Go  on.  Gen- 
tlemen, to  finish  the  great  work  you  have  so  no- 
bly and  successfully  begun.  Convince  the  ty- 
rants again,  that  they  shall  bleed,  that  America 
will  bleed  to  her  last  drop,  ere  their  wicked 
schemes  find  success. 

'•'  The  remembrance  of  my  former  connection 
with  you  shall  be  ever  dear  to  me.  I  honor 
your  profession,  I  revere  that  patriot  virtue, 
which,  in  your  conduct,  hath  produced  cheerful 
obedience,  exemplary  courage,  and  contempt  of 
hardship  and  danger.  Be  assured,  Gentlemen,  I 
shall  feel  the  highest  pleasure  in  embracing  every 
opportunity  to  contribute  to  your  happiness  and 
welfare ;  and  I  trust  the  day  will  come,  when  I 
shall  make  one  of  those  that  will  hail  you  among 
the  triumphant  deliverers  of  America. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be.  Gentlemen,  your 
most  obedient  and  very  humble  servant, 

"P.  Henry,  Jun." 

The  Governor's  palace  at  Williamsburg,  which 


PATRICK     HENRY. 


323 


had  been  previously  converted  into  a  hospital, 
was  now  restored  to  its  original  use ;  and,  on  the 
5th  of  Jul}^,  the  new  Governor  and  Council  took 
the  oaths  of  office,  and  entered  on  the  discharge 
of  their  duties. 

Thus  had  Henry,  in  the  short  space  of  thirteen 
years,  which  had  elapsed  since  he  argued  the  Par- 
sons' Cause,  on  the  1st  of  December,  1763,  as- 
cended from  the  position  of  an  obscure  advocate 
and  a  mere  private  citizen,  through  the  respon- 
sible stations  of  member  of  the  Assembly,  mem- 
ber of  Congress,  and  commander-in-chief  of  the 
Virginia  forces,  to  the  chief  magistracy  of  the 
commonwealth.  He  had  risen  solely  by  the  effect 
of  talent  and  character,  without  any  aid  from 
powerful  connections,  without  the  use  of  any 
courtly  arts,  without  even  the  indefatigable  and 
persevering  industry,  which  sometimes  supplies  the 
absence  of  almost  every  other  advantage.  Jeal- 
ousy and  envy  had  tried  their  w^orst  upon  him, 
not  Avithout  some  transient  success,  but  had  sig- 
nally failed  in  the  end,  in  all  their  efforts  to  ob- 
struct his  progress  and  injure  his  position.  The 
bar-keeper  of  the  little  inn  at  Hanover  had  be- 
come the  occupant  of  the  Governor's  palace  at 
Williamsburg.  The  "  obscure  advocate  "  of  the 
Parsons'  Cause  was  now  the  greatest  orator  in  the 
country,  and  one  of  the  leading  statesmen  and 
magistrates  in  a  new  political  system,  created  in 


324  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

no  small  degree  by  his  own  exertions.  The  in- 
dolent  youth,  who,  at  five  and  twenty,  seemed  tc 
have  lost  every  chance  for  success  and  distinction, 
had  assumed,  before  forty,  an  eminent  position 
among  those  whom  Bacon  describes  as  the  first 
class  of  great  men,  the  founders  of  nations.  Tlie 
most  difficult  and  important  objects  of  his  earthly 
mission  were  accomplished.  We  are  now  to 
follow  liim  through  the  highly  honorable  but 
comparatively  easy  routine  of  political  and  pro- 
fessional duty,  where  we  shall  find  him  exhibiting 
the  same  talents  and  virtues  which  had  carried 
him,  with  so  much  brilliancy  and  success,  through 
the  stormy  struggles  of  the  revolution. 


CHAPTER   VI. 


Administration  as  Governor.  —  Return  to  private 
Life.  —  Reelected  Governor.  —  Resigns.  — 
Elected  to  the  Assemhli/. 

The  office  of  Governor  of  a  state,  however 
honorable  as  a  mark  of  public  esteem,  is  one,  in 
general,  of  mere  routine,  and  affords  but  little 
opportunity  for  the  display  of  superior  talents  ; 
especially  in  the  line  in   which  Henry  was  par- 


PATRICK     HENRY. 


3^5 


ticulaily  distinguished,  that  of  forensic  and  par- 
liamentary eloquence.  His  term  of  service  in 
this  capacity  is  accordingly  the  portion  of  his 
life,  which  furnishes  the  most  scanty  supply  of 
materials  for  the  biographer.  Soon  after  his  en- 
trance into  office,  Lord  Dunmore  evacuated  the 
territory  of  the  state.  The  military  operations, 
Vv'hich  nad  been  going  on  during  the  preceding 
year,  were,  in  consequence,  brought  to  a  close, 
and  were  not  renewed,  to  any  considerable  extent, 
while  Henry  was  Governor.  He  had,  therefore, 
no  occasion  for  the  exercise  of  the  powers  of 
commander-in-chief,,  which,  as  an  appendage  to 
the  chief  magistracy,  had  now  been  restored  to 
him  by  the  suffiages  of  the  legislature.  In  his 
civil  capacity  his  administration  is  represented  as 
having  been  efficient  and  successful,  but  undis- 
tinguished by  any  event  of  extraordinary  impor- 
tance. 

At  the  first  session  of  the  legislature  after  his 
election,  an  incident  occurred  of  a  singular,  rather 
than  very  important,  character,  which  seems  to 
require  some  notice  in  an  account  of  his  life, 
although,  from  the  means  of  information  now 
extant  and  accessible,  it  is  difficult  to  form  a  very 
satisfactory  idea  of  it.  . 

The  Assembly  met  in  the  autumn  of  the  year 
177G,  perhaps  the  most  gloomy  period  of  the 
war.      The    occupation   of    New    York    by    the 


326  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

British  troops,  and  the  losses  sustained  by  Wash- 
ington, in  two  or  three  actions  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  that  city,  had,  in  a  great  measure,  obht- 
erated  the  recollection  of  the  successes  of  the 
preceding  year.  The  extreme  difficulty  of  pro- 
viding the  resources  necessary  for  keeping  up 
even  the  appearance  of  opposition  to  the  numer- 
ous well-disciplined  and  well-appointed  armies  of 
England  began  to  be  apparent.  There  was  no 
assurance  yet  of  any  aid  from  abroad.  Under 
these  disastrous  circumstances,  a  vague  imagina- 
tion seems  to  have  crossed  the  minds  of  a  portion 
of  the  members  of  the  Virginia  legislature,  that 
something  might  be  gained  by  a  recourse  to  the 
expedient  so  often  adopted  by  the  Pvomans  in 
cases  of  great  emergency,  the  concentration  of 
the  whole  civil  and  military  power  of  the  repub- 
lic in  the  hands  of  a  single  person,  with  the  title 
of  dictator. 

The  inutility,  in  reference  to  the  general  situa- 
tion of  the  country,  of  constituting  a  state  dicta- 
tor, who  would  have  had,  as  such,  no  right  to 
exercise  his  unbounded  powers  out  of  the  narrow 
limits  of  his  own  dominion,  or  for  any  other  than 
state  objects,  was  sufficiently  obvious,  one  would 
have  thougiit,  to  satisfy  the  least  judicious  person 
tliat  such  a  project,  if  not  dangerous,  was  wholly 
destitute  of  plausibility.  It  is  certain,  however, 
that    tlie   plan   was  contemplated,    for  it  became 


P  A  'r  il  I  C  K     HENRY.  3'2T 

the  subject  of  warm  and  acrimonious  discussion 
among  the  members  of  the  Assembly.  It  is  also 
known  that  Henry  was  the  person,  whom  the  pro- 
jectors of  this  scheme  intended  to  create  dictator. 
There  is  no  proof  that  he  had  himself  any  share 
in  the  plan,  which  was  even  distinctly  disavowed 
at  the  time,  and  ever  since,  by  himself  and  his 
friends.  It  appears,  however,  that  he  did  not 
escape  suspicion  While  the  project  was  in  agi- 
tation, Colonel  Archibald  Gary,  then  speaker  of 
the  Assembly,  a  patriot  of  great  consideration, 
but  of  a  somewhat  violent  temper,  met,  in  the 
lobby  of  the  house.  Colonel  Syme,  the  brother-in- 
law  of  Henry,  and  addressed  him  as  follows ; 
"I  am  told,  that  your  brother  wishes  to  be 
dictator  ;  tell  him,  from  me,  that  the  day  of  his 
appointment  shall  be  the  day  of  his  death  ;  for  he 
shall  feel  my  dagger  in  his  heart  before  the  sunset 
of  that  day."  Colonel  Syme  replied,  in  great  agi- 
tation, that,  if  such  a  project  existed,  his  brother 
would  certainly  never  lend  himself  to  it,  or  to 
any  other  plan  which  would  endanger  the  liberty 
of  the  country. 

Whatever  apprehensions  may  have  been  enter 
tained  at  the  time  by  individuals,  it  is  certain  that 
no  unlavorable  impression  was  produced  upon  the 
general  feeling  of  the  Assembly,  for,  at  the  next 
annual  election,  on  the  30th  of  May,  1777,  Henry 
was  unanimously  reelected  Governor,  the  members 


323  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

of  the  legislature  being  mostly  the  same  as  those 
of  the  preceding  year,  and  Colonel  Gary  being 
again  the  presiding  officer  of  the  House.  It  docs 
not  appear  from  the  account,  that  the  project  was 
at  this  time  formally  proposed  to  the  Assembly  ; 
but  four  years  afterwards,  at  another  period  of 
general  alarm,  when  the  territory  of  Virginia  had 
become  again  the  theatre  of  actual  hostilities, 
and  when  the  session  of  the  legislature  had  been 
interrupted  by  an  inroad  of  British  troops,  the 
project  was  again  started,  and  not  only  made 
the  subject  of  consideration  in  private,  but  ac- 
tually proposed  in  the  Assembly,  and  lost  by  only 
a  very  few  votes. 

Mr.  Jefferson,  who  was  then  Governor  of  the 
state,  and  had,  of  course,  the  strongest  motives 
for  informing  himself,  as  far  as  possible,  of  the 
real  character  of  this  singular  scheme,  denounces 
it,  in  strong  terms,  in  his  Notes  on  Virginia,  but 
acquits  the  persons  implicated  in  it,  wliom  he 
does  not  name,  of  anything  worse  than  an  error  of 
judgment.  Henry  was  now,  as  before,  tlie  in- 
tended dictator ;  and,  as  the  plan  must  have  been 
within  his  knowledge,  it  seems  hardly  possible 
that  it  could  have  been  entertained  for  years  in 
succession,  and  finally  proposed  in  the  legisla- 
ture, without  his  concurrence.  Supposing  that 
he  suggested  or  favored  it,  there  is,  of  course, 
no  reason  to  suspect  that  lie  had  any  other  ob- 


PATRICK     HENRY.  329 

jcct  in  view  than  the  ostensible  one  of  the  public 

good. 

His  favorite  reading  was  the  history  of  Rome ; 
and  the  example  of  that  illustrious  commonwealth, 
as  well  as  his  own  experience,  had  shown  him  the 
entire  incapacity  of  deliberative  assemblies  for  the 
conduct  of  military  aflairs.  The  real  objection  to 
the  plan  of  a  state  dictator  was  not,  m  fact,  the 
danger  resulting  from  the  existence  of  such  an 
office  to  the  public  liberty,  but  its  utter  ineffi- 
ciency for  the  defence  of  the  Union.  The  expe- 
diency of  something  of  the  kind,  for  state  pur- 
poses, was  felt  in  Virginia,  in  1781 ;  and,  although 
the  plan  of  creating  a  dictator  was  rejected,  reso- 
lutions were  passed,  conferring  on  the  Governor 
and  Council  extraordinary  powers,  amounting  to 
an  unlimited  control  over  the  purse  and  sword  of 
the  state,  and  requesting  Congress  to  intrust  au- 
thority of  a  similar  description  to  the  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  forces  of  the  Union,  which  was, 
in  fact,  done.  The  concern,  if  any,  which  Henry 
may  have  had  in  the  project  of  constituting  a 
dictator  need  not,  therefore,  diminish  our  confi- 
dence in  his  patriotism,  although  it  might,  perhaps, 
impair,  in  some  degree,  our  respect  for  his  judg- 
ment. Even  in  this  particular,  as  the  tendency 
of  his  mind  was  always  for  the  boldest  and  most 
energetic   course   of  action,  the   plan  would    not 


330  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

have  been  very  much   at  variance  with  tlie  pre- 
dominant traits  of  his  character. 

During  the  second  year  of  Henry's  adminis- 
tration as  Governor  occurred  the  intrigue  against 
the  influence  of  Washington,  which  has  some- 
times been  called  the  Conway  Cabal.  The  ori- 
gin, character,  extent,  and  precise  objects,  of  this 
conspiracy  are  not  very  exactly  known.  It  ap- 
pears to  have  included  a  good  many  members 
of  Congress,  and  some  distinguished  officers  of 
the  army.  The  success  of  General  Gates,  in  the 
capture  of  the  British  troops  under  Burgoyne, 
seems  to  have  given  to  Gates  himself,  and  per- 
haps to  others,  the  impression  that  he  was  supe- 
rior, in  efficiency  as  a  commander,  to  Washing- 
ton. Those  who  held  this  opinion  may  have 
thought  it  politic  and  ]);itriotic  to  endeavor  to 
substitute  Gates  *for  Washington  in  the  chief 
command.  Other  influences,  of  a  less  honora-* 
ble  kind,  no  doubt,  had  their  effect  in  determin- 
ing the  movement.  The  existence  of  the  intrigue 
was  made  known  to  Washington  through  the  in- 
discretion of  General  Conway,  and  the  odium  of 
the  alTair  has  finally  rested  u])on  him  more  di- 
rectly than  upon  any  other  person,  though  it  is 
difficult  to  view  him  in  any  other  light  than  as 
an  instrument  of  Gates.  The  intention  seems 
to   have   been    to   act   through    the    medium   of 


PATRICK     HENRY.  331 

Congress,  where  the  cabal  liad  supporters ;  to 
disgust  Washington  by  repeated  sHghts,  until  he 
should  be  induced  to  resign,  and  then  to  ap- 
point Gates  in  his  place. 

The  appointment  of  Conway  to  the  place  of  In- 
spector-General of  the  army,  against  the  express 
advice  of  Washington,  and  after  his  hostility  to 
the  commander-in-chief  was  known,  was  the, 
strongest  demonstration  made  by  the  conspira- 
tors towards  carrying  their  views  into  effect. 
The  discovery  of  the  plot  by  Washington,  and 
his  cool  and  discreet,  but  at  the  same  time  firm, 
conduct  on  the  occasion,  apparently  disconcerted 
the  leaders,  and  checked  their  operations  for  the 
time  ;  while  the  total  failure  of  Gates,  in  his 
southern  campaign,  removed  every  honest  and 
plausible  pretext  for  a  change.  Conway's  char- 
acteristic indiscretion  afterwards  involved  him 
in  a  controversy  with  Congress,  which  led  to 
his  compulsory  resignation,  and  in  a  duel  which 
nearly  cost  him  his  life.  While  suffering  from 
the  effect  of  his  wounds,  and  in  expectation 
of  immediate  dissolution,  he  wrote  a  peniten- 
tial letter  to  Washington,  in  which  he  avows, 
witii  expressions  of  deep  regret,  his  share  in  the 
plot,  and  declares  Washington  to  be,  in  his  eyes, 
the  "  great  and  good  man."  This  voluntary 
confession  of  the  principal  agent  in  the  plot, 
while  it  does  but  little  to  atone  for  his  guilt,  is 


33-2  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

valuable  as  a  complete  bar  to  the  suspicion, 
which  might  otherwise  have  arisen  in  some  minds, 
that  there  was  a  real  foundation  for  imputations 
of  some  sort  upon  the  character  or  capacity  of 
Washington.  An  attempt  was  made  to  impli- 
cate Henry  in  this  cabal.  An  anonymous  letter 
was  sent  to  him,  on  this  subject,  dated  at  York- 
town,  January  12th,  1778. 

A  passage  in  that  letter,  which  is  given  as  an 
extract  from  a  letter  of  General  Conwav  to  a 
friend,  coincides  exactly  in  substance,  and  very 
nearly  in  the  language,  with  one  in  a  letter  from 
Conway  to  Gates,  which  accidentally  became 
known  to  Washington,  and  first  revealed  to  him 
the  existence  of  the  plot.  It  is  worthy  of  re- 
mark, that  the  substantial  genuineness  of  the 
latter  passage  is  here  avowed  by  one  of  the 
conspirators,  although  the  defence  afterwards  set 
up  by  Gates,  when  the  affair  was  brought  home 
to  him  by  Washington,  was,  that  the  supposed 
extract  was  not  in  the  letter,  and  was  a  "  wicked 
forgery."  The  true  state  of  the  case  might 
easily  have  been  shown  by  producing  the  letter, 
which  the  conspirators  never  ventured  to  do. 
The  reality  of  the  passage  in  question  is  admit- 
ted by  the  strongest  implication,  in  the  first  let- 
ters, written. by  Conway  and  Gates  to  Washington 
on  the  subject,  as  was  remarked  by  Washington 
at  the   time,  in    his  pointed  and   manly   reply   to 


PATRICK     HENRY.  333 

the  latter.  It  is  here  directly  avowed  by  one 
of  the  conspirators.  The  pretence  of  forgery 
was  evidently  an  after-thought.  This  overture 
was  treated  by  Henry  in  the  way  which  might 
have  been  expected  from  his  known  character. 
He  transmitted  the  communication  to  Washing- 
ton, enclosed  in  the  following  letter  ; 

"  JVilliamshurg,  Fthruary  '20th,  1778.  .  Dear 
Sir  ;  You  will,  no  doubt,  be  surprised  at  seeing 
the  enclosed  letter,  in  which  the  encomiums  be- 
stowed on  me  are  as  undeserved,  as  the  cen- 
sures aimed  at  you  are  unjust.  I  am  sorry  there 
should  be  one  man  wjio  counts  himself  my  friend, 
who  is  not  yours. 

"  Perhaps  I  give  you  needless  trouble  in  hand- 
ing you  this  paper.  The  writer  of  it  may  be  too 
insignificant  to  deserve  any  notice.  If  I  knew 
this  to  be  the  case,  I  should  not  have  intruded 
on  your  time,  which  is  so  precious.  But  there 
may  possibly  be  some  scheme  or  party  forming 
to  your  prejudice.  The  enclosed  leads  to  such 
a  suspicion.  Believe  me.  Sir,  I  have  too  high 
a  sense  of  the  obligations  America  has  to  you, 
to  abet  or  countenance  so  unworthy  a  proceed- 
ing. The  most  exalted  merit  hath  ever  been 
found  to  attract  envy.  But  I  please  myself  with 
the  hope,  that  the  same  fortitude  and  greatness 
of  mind,  which  have  hitherto  braved  all  the  dif- 
ficulties and   dangers  inseparable  from  your  sta^ 


334  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

tion,  will  rise  superior  to  every  attempt  of  the 
envious  partisan. 

"  I  really  cannot  tell  who  is  the  writer  of  this 
letter,  which  not  a  little  perplexes  me.  The 
hand-writing  is  altogether  strange  to  me. 

"  To  give  you  the  trouble  of  this  gives  me  pain. 
It  would  suit  my  inclination  better  to  give  you 
some  assistance  in  the  great  business  of  the  war. 
But  I  will  not  conceal  anything  from  you  by 
v/hich  you  may  be  affected  ;  for  I  really  think 
your  personal  welfare  and  the  happiness  of  Amer- 
ica are  intimately  connected.  I  beg  you  will  be 
assured  of  that  high  regard  and  esteem,  with 
which  I  ever  am,  dear  Sir,  your  aftectionate 
friend  and  very  humble  servant." 

On  the  5th  of  March,  Henry  wrote  a  second  let- 
ter to  Washington  on  the  same  subject,  as  follows  ; 

"  Dear  Sir ;  By  an  express  which  Colonel  Fin- 
nic sent  to  camp,  I  enclosed  to  you  an  anonymous 
letter,  which  T  hope  got  safe  to  hand.  I  am 
anxious  to  hear  something  that  will  serve  to  ex- 
plain the  strange  aflair,  which  I  am  now  informed 
is  taken  up  respecting  you.  Mr.  Custis  has  just 
paid  us  a  visit,  and  by  him  I  learn  sundry  partic- 
ulars concerning  General  Mifflin,  that  much  sur- 
prised me.  It  is  very  hard  to  trace  the  schemes 
and  windin.^s  of  the  enemies  to  America.  I  re- 
ally  thought  tlmt  man  its  friend  ;  however^  I  am 
too  far  from  him  to  judge  of  his  present  temper. 


PATRICK     HENRY.  335 

*'  While  you  face  the  armed  enemies  of  our 
liberty  in  the  field,  and,  by  the  favor  of  God, 
have  been  kept  unhurt,  I  trust  your  country  will 
never  harbor  in  her  bosom  the  miscreant  who 
would  ruin  her  best  supporter.  I  wish  not  to. 
flatter ;  but  when  arts,  unworthy  honest  men,  are 
used  to  defame  and  traduce  you,  I  think  it  not 
amiss,  but  a  duty,  to  assure  you  of  that  estima- 
tion in  which  the  public  hold  you.  Not  that  I 
think  any  testimony  I  can  bear  is  necessary  for 
your  support,  or  private  satisfaction  ;  for  a  bare 
recollection  of  what  is  past  must  give  you  suffi- 
cient pleasure  in  every  circumstance  of  life.  But 
I  cannot  help  assuring  you,  on  this  occasion,  of 
the  high  sense  of  gratitude  which  all  ranks  of 
men  in  this  your  native  country  bear  to  you. 
It  will  give  me  sincere  pleasure  to  manifest  my 
regards,  and  render  my  best  services  to  you  or 
yours.  I  do  not  like  to  make  a  parade  of  these 
things,  and  I  know  you  are  not  fond  of  it ;  how- 
ever, I  hope  the  occasion  will  plead  my  excuse. 

"  Wishing  you  all  possible  felicity,  I  am,  my 
dear  Sir,  your  ever  affectionate  friend,  and  very 
humble  servant."  '^'  • 

In  the  spring  of  1778,  Henry  was  unanimously 


*  Washington's  answers,  and  all  the  letters  on  this  sub 
ject,  may  be  found  in  Wasiiingto.Vs  Writings,  Vol.  V 
pp.  483-518. 


336  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

reelected  Governor.  At  the  close  of  the  year,  al 
thouirh  he  liad  served  three  terms,  and  was  conse 
quently  no  longer  eligible  by  the  constitution,  it 
seems  to  have  been  the  wish  and  intention  of  some 
of  the  members  of  the  legislature  to  reelect  him 
once  more,  on  the  ground,  that,  as  he  was  chosen 
the  first  time  by  the  Convention,  and  not  by  the 
legislature,  the  period  during  which  he  was  con- 
stitutionally eligible  did  not  commence  till  the 
second  year  of  his  administration.  Henry,  how- 
ever, did  not  think  proper  to  acquiesce  in  this 
construction  of  the  constitution,  and  declined  a 
reelection  in  the  following  letter  to  the  speaker 
of  the  Assembly  ; 

"  May  2Sth,  1779.  Sir  ;  The  term  for  which 
I  had  the  honor  to  be  elected  Governor  by  the 
late  Assembly  being  just  about  to  expire,  and  the 
constitution,  as  I  think,  making  me  ineligible  to 
that  office,  I  take  the  liberty  to  communicate  to 
the  Assembly,  through  you.  Sir,  my  intention  to 
retire  in  four  or  five  days. 

"  I  have  thought  it  necessary  to  give  this  notifi- 
cation of  my  design,  in  order  that  the  Assembly 
may  have'  the  earliest  opportunity  of  deliberating 
upon  the  choice  of  a  successor  to  me  in  office. 

'•'  With  great  regard,  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant." 

In  the  autumn  of  1784,  six  years  after  the 
close  of  his  former  term  of  service,  Henry,  being 


PATRICK     HENRY  SST 

now  eligible  by  the  constitution,  was  again  elected 
Governor,  and,  at  the  termination  of  liis  oflicial 
year,  was  reelected  to  the  same  office.  It  was 
the  wish  and  intention  of  the  legislature,  that  he 
should  have  completed  another  three  years'  term : 
but,  at  the  end  of  the  second  year,  he  declined  a 
reelection. 

The  motive  which  induced  him  to  decline  was 
the  embarrassed  state  of  his  private  affairs.  Al- 
though his  manner  of  living  was  entirely  free  from 
ostentation,  he  had  found  the  salary  allowed  him 
as  Governor  insufficient  to  cover  his  expenses,  and 
had  been  compelled  to  contract  debts  which  he 
had  no  means  of  paying,  but  by  the  sale  of  a 
part  of  his  estate,  or  by  resuming  the  practice  of 
his  profession.  He  judiciously  chose  the  latter 
course.  During  his  employment  in  the  public 
service,  some  changes  had  taken  place  in  his  pri- 
vate relations.  His  wife,  after  lingering  through 
several  years  of  ill-health  and  suffering,  had  died. 
Soon  after  this  event,  he  had  sold  the  estate  on 
whicli  he  had  been  residing  in  Hanover  county, 
and  had  purchased  a  tract  of  eight  or  ten  thou- 
sand acres  of  land  in  the  new  county  of  Henry, 
which  had  been  erected  during  his  administration, 
and  called  by  his  name. 

In  the  year   1777,  he  espoused,  in  second  nup- 
tials, a  daughter  of   Mr.  A.  W.   Dandridge,   and 
fixed  his  residence  at  his  newly-acquired   estate, 
VOL.  I.  2*2 


338  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY. 

called  Leatherwood.  On  rcsumin<2^  his  attend- 
ance  in  the  courts,  he  confined  himself  chiefly  to 
the  duties  of  counsellor  and  advocate,  leaving  it 
to  his  junior  associates  to  attend  to  technical  de- 
tails. He  was  employed  in  all  the  cases  of  im- 
portance, as  well  in  other  parts  of  the  state,  as 
in  his  own  immediate  neighborhood.  After  the 
close  of  his  first  term  of  service  as  Governor,  he 
was  elected  a  member  of  the  Assembly,  and  con- 
tinued till  the  close  of  his  active  life  to  take  a 
prominent  part  in  the  proceedings  of  that  body. 
In  this  field  of  action  he  distinguished  himself  by 
liberality  of  feeling  and  soundness  of  judgment, 
not  less  than  by  the  superiority  of  his  powers  in 
debate. 

Immediately  after  the  close  of  the  revolution, 
he  proposed  in  the  Assembly,  that  the  persons 
who  had  left  the  state,  in  consequence  of  their 
adherence  to  the  policy  of  the  mother  country, 
should  be  permitted  to  return.  This  measure 
was  violently  resisted,  but  was  finally  adopted, 
chiefly  under  the  impression  produced  by  his 
overwhelming  eloquence.  A  report  of  his  speech 
on  this  occasion  has  been  preserved,  and  is  re- 
markable for  its  correct  views  of  the  economical 
situation  of  the  country,  and  its  sagacious  fore- 
sight of  the  future  course  of  events,  as  well  as 
for  its  noble  sentiments  and  richness  of  language. 
Judge    Tyler,     then    speaker    of    the    Assembly, 


PATRICK    iii:nry.  339 

opposed  the  measure  with  extreme  violence  in  the 
committee  of  the  whole,  and,  appealing  personally 
to  Henry,  as  one  of  its  principal  supj)orters,  ex 
pressed  his  wonder,  that  he,  of  all  men,  after 
standing  forward  as  the  great  champion  of  inde- 
pendence, should  now  appear  as  the  advocate  of 
the  detested  refugees.     Henry  replied  as  follows. 

"  The  personal  feelings  of  a  politician  ought 
not  to  be  permitted  to  enter  these  walls.  The 
question  is  a  national  one,  and,  in  deciding  it, 
if  we  act  wisely,  nothing  will  be  regarded  but 
the  interest  of  the  nation.  On  the  altar  o/  my 
country's  good  I  am  willing  to  sacrifice  all  per- 
sonal resentments,  all  private  wrongs ;  and  I 
flatter  myself,  that  I  am  not  the  only  man  in  the 
House  who  is  capable  of  making  such  a  sacrifice. 
We  have,  Sir,  an  extensive  country,  luitliout  popu- 
lation ;  what  can  be  a  more  obvious  policy  than 
that  this  country  ought  to  be  peopled?  People, 
Sir,  form  the  strength,  and  constitute  the  wealth, 
of  a  nation.  I  want  to  see  our  vast  forests  filled 
up  by  some  process  a  little  more  speedy  than  the 
ordinary  course  of  nature.  I  wish  to  see  these 
states  rapidly  ascending  to  that  rank  which  their 
natural  advantages  authorize  them  to  hold  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth. 

"  Cast  your  eyes,  Sir,  over  this  extensive 
country  ;  observe  the  salubrity  of  your  climate ; 
the  variety   and  fertility  of   your    soil ;   and    see 


340  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

that  soil    intersected    in   every    quarter    by  bold, 
navigable    streams,    flowing  to    the    east   and    to 
the  west,  as  if  the  finger  of  Heaven  were  mark- 
ing out  the  course  of  your  settlements,  inviting 
you  to  enterprise,  and  pointing  the  way  to  wealth. 
Sir,    you    are    destined,  at   some    time    or  other, 
to   become  a  great  agricultural   and   commercial 
people ;  the  only  question  is,  whether  you  choose 
to    reach    this    point    by    slow    gradations,    and 
at  some  distant  period ;  lingering   on   through   a 
long  and   sickly   minority ;  subjected,  meanwhile, 
to  the  machinations,  insults,  and  oppressions,  of 
enemies,  foreign  and  domestic,  without  sufficient 
strength  to  resist  and  chastise  them ;  or  whether 
you  choose  rather  to  rush  at  once,  as  it  were,  to 
the  full  enjoyment  of  those  high  destinies,  and  be 
able  to  cope,  single-handed,  with  the  proudest  op- 
pressor of  the  old  world.    If  you  prefer  the  latter 
course,  as  I  trust  you  do,  encourage  emigration ; 
encourage   the   husbandmen,  the    mechanics,  the 
merchants,  of  the  old  world,  to  come  and  settle  in 
this  land   of  promise ;  make  it  the  home  of  the 
skilful,  the  industrious,  the  fortunate,  and  happy, 
as  well  as   the  asylum  of  the  distressed ;  fill   up 
the  measure  of  your  population   as    speedily   as 
you  can,  by  the  means  which  Heaven  hath  placed 
in  your  power ;  and  I  venture  to  prophesy  there 
are  those  now  living,  who   will  see   this   favored 
land  amongst  the  most  powerful  on  earth  ;  able. 


PATRICK     HENRY. 


341 


Sir,  to  take  care  of  herself,  without  resorting  to 
that  policy  which  is  always  so  dangerous,  though 
sometimes  "unavoidable,  of  calling  in  foreign  aid. 
Yes,  Sir;  they  will  see  her  great  in  arts  and  in 
arms ;  her  golden  harvests  waving  over  fields  of 
immeasurable  extent ;  her  commerce  penetrating 
the  most  distant  seas,  and  her  cannon  silencing 
tlie  vain  boasts  of  those  who  now  proudly  affect 
to  rule  the  waves. 

"  But,  Sir,  you  must  have  7nen ;  you  cannot 
get  along  without  them ;  those  heavy  forests  of 
valuable  timber,  under  which  your  lands  are 
groaning,  must  be  cleared  away ;  those  vast 
riches  which  cover  the  face  of  your  soil,  as  well 
as  those  which  lie  hid  in  its  bosom,  are  to  be 
developed  and  gathered  only  by  the  skill  and 
enterprise  of  men ;  your  timber.  Sir,  must  be 
worked  up  into  ships,  to  transport  the  productions 
of  the  soil  from  which  it  has  been  cleared ;  then 
you  must  have  commercial  men  and  commercial 
capital  to  take  off  your  productions,  and  find  the 
best  markets  for  them  abroad.  Your  great  want, 
Sir,  is  the  want  of  men,  and  these  you  must 
liave,  and  will  have  speedily,  if  you  are  v.ise. 

"  Do  you  ask  how  you  are  to  get  them  ?  Open 
your  doors.  Sir,  and  they  will  come  in  ;  the  popu- 
lation of  the  old  world  is  full  to  overflowing ;  that 
population  is  ground,  too,  by  the  oppressions  of 
the   governments    under   which   they    live.      Sir, 


342  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

they  are  already  standing  on  tiptoe  upon  their 
native  shores,  and  looking  to  your  coasts  with  a 
wishful  and  longing  eye ;  they  see  here  a  land 
blessed  with  natural  and  political  advantages 
which  are  not  equalled  by  those  of  any  other 
country  upon  earth  ;  a  land  on  wiiich  a  gracious 
Providence  hath  emptied  the  horn  of  abundance : 
a  land  over  which  Peace  liath  now  stretched  forth 
her  white  wings,  and  where  content  and  plenty 
lie  down  at  every  door  !  Sir,  they  see  something 
still  more  attractive  than  all  this  ;  they  see  a  land 
in  which  Liberty  hath  taken  up  her  abode ;  that 
Liberty,  vvdiom  they  had  considered  as  a  fabled 
goddess,  existing  only  in  the  fancies  of  poets  : 
they  see  her  here  a  real  divinity,  her  altars  rising 
on  every  hand  throughout  these  happy  states, 
her  glories  chanted  by  three  millions  of  tongues, 
and  the  whole  region  smiling  under  her  blessed 
influence.  Sir,  let  but  this  our  celestial  goddess. 
Liberty,  stretch  forth  her  fair  hand  toward  the 
people  of  the  old  world,  tell  them  to  come,  and 
bid  them  welcome,  and  you  will  see  them  pour- 
ing in  from  the  north,  from  the  south,  from  the 
east,  and  from  the  west ;  your  wildernesses  will 
be  cleared  and  settled,  your  deserts  will  smile, 
your  ranks  will  be  filled,  and  you  will  soon  be  in 
a  condition  to  defy  the  powers  of  any  adversary. 
"  But  gentlemen  object  to  any  accession  from 
Great  Britain,  and  particularly  to   the   retiu'n  of 


PATRICK     HENRY. 


343 


the  British  refugees.  Sir,  I  feel  no  objection  to 
the  return  of  those  dekided  people  ;  they  have,  to 
be, sure,  mistaken  their  own  interests  most  wo- 
fully,  and  most  wofully  have  they  suffered  the 
punishment  due  to  their  offences.  But  the  rela- 
tions which  we  bear  to  them  and  to  their  native 
country  are  now  changed ;  their  king  hath  ac- 
knowledged our  independence ;  the  quarrel  is 
over  ;  peace  hath  returned,  and  found  us  a  hee 
people.  Let  us  have  the  magnanimity.  Sir,  to  lay 
aside  our  antipathies  and  prejudices,  and  consider 
the  subject  in  a  political  light.  Those  are  an 
enterprising,  moneyed  people  ;  they  will  be  ser- 
viceable in  taking  off  the  surplus  produce  of  our 
lands,  and  supplying  us  with  necessaries  during 
the  infant  state  of  our  manufactures.  Even  if 
they  be  inimical  to  us  in  point  of  feeling  and 
principle,  I  can  see  no  objection,  in  a  political 
view,  to  making  them  tributary  to  our  advantage. 
And  as  I  have  no  prejudices  to  prevent  my 
making  this  use  of  them,  so.  Sir,  I  have  no  fear 
of  any  mischief  that  they  can  do  us.  Afraid  of 
them!  What,  Sir,  shall  ive,  who  have  laid  the 
proud  British  lion  at  our  feet,  now  be  afraid  of 

his  ivhelps  ?  " 

The  concluding  phrase  is  not,  perhaps,  enti- 
tled, as  a  specimen  of  rhetoric,  to  all  the  praise 
that  has  been  bestowed  upon  it ;  but  it  is  impos- 
sible to  speak  too   favorably  of  the  substance  of 


344  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

the  speech.  The  hberahty  of  our  institutions, 
an.d  especially  the  generous  and  truly  wise  pol 
icy  which  throws  open  our  vacant  territory,  at  a 
merely  nominal  price,  to  all  who  choose  to  oc- 
cupy it,  are  working  out  the  results  predicted  by 
Henry  with  a  rapidity,  which  even  his  ardent 
imagination  could  hardly  have  anticipated. 

In  the  same  liberal  spirit,  he  supported  and 
carried,  against  a  vigorous  opposition,  a  proposal 
for  removing  the  restraints  on  British  commerce. 
It  was  apprehended  by  some,  that  a  free  admis- 
sion of  British  ships  would  exclude  the  trade  of 
all  other  nations,  and  deprive  us  of  the  advantage 
of  competition  in  reducing  the  price  of  our  sup- 
plies from  abroad.  Henry  repelled  this  objection 
with  splendid  eloquence  ;  enlarged  on  tlie  dis- 
tress which  the  people  had  suffered  by  the  inter- 
ruption of  foreign  commerce  ;  and  concluded  with 
proclaiming,  in  emphatic  language,  the  doctrine 
of  the  liberty  of  trade,  less  familiar  to  the  pub- 
lic ear  at  that  time  than  it  is  now.  "  Why 
sliould  we  fetter  commerce  ? "  was  his  conclud- 
ing remark  ;  "  a  man  in  chains  droops  and  bows 
to  the  earth  ;  his  spirits  are  broken  ;  but  let  him 
twist  the  fetters  from  his  legs,  and  he  will  stand 
upright.  Fetter  not  Commerce,  Sir ;  let  her  be 
as  free  as  air.  She  will  range  the  whole  crea- 
tion, and  return  on  the  wings  of  the  four  winds 
of  heaven  to  bless  the  land  with  plenty." 


PATRICK      HENRY.  345 

During  the  session  of  1784,  Henry  proposed 
in  the  Assembly  a  measure  marked  by  the  same 
originahty  of  thought,  and  humanity  of  feehng, 
which  dictated  the  others,  but  somewliat  ques- 
tionable, perhaps,  on  the  score  of  practicability 
and  expediency.  The  inconvenience  which  had 
been  suffered,  during  the  last  and  preceding  wars, 
from  the  aggressions  of  the  neighboring  Indians, 
appeared  to  render  it  a  matter  of  high  impor- 
tance to  inspire  them  in  some  way  with  more  am- 
icable sentiments.  Formal  treaties  of  peace  and 
alliance  were  known  to  be  wholly  ineffectual. 
Henry  proposed  to  effect  the  object  by  a  law  to 
encourage  intermarriage  between  the  two  races, 
and  brought  in  a  bill  holding  out  strong  induce- 
ments to  the  formation  of  connections  of  this 
kind,  such  as  a  pecuniary  bounty,  to  be  repeated 
at  the  birth  of  every  child,  exemption  from  taxes, 
and  the  free  use  of  an  institution  for  education, 
to  be  established  for  the  purpose  at  the  expense 
of  the  state. 

The  bill  had  its  first  and  second  reading,  and 
was  engrossed  for  its  final  passage,  apparently 
under  the  influence  of  Henry's  support;  for  no 
sooner  was  he  withdrawn  from  tlie  House,  by  his 
election  as  Governor  for  a  second  term,  which 
took  place  at  this  time,  than  the  bill,  on  coining 
up  for  a  third  reading,  was  rejected.  Had  the  rel- 
ative numbers  and  positions  of  the  two  races  been 


346  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

destined  to  remain  as  they  were  at  this  time,  such 
a  measure  might  have  had  a  good  eflect,  al- 
though the  popular  feeling,  which  has  always 
been  opposed  to  a  mixture  of  races,  would  have 
probably  rendered  it  ineffectual.  But  the  over- 
whelming and  constantly  increasing  preponder- 
ance of  the  whites,  in  power  and  numbers,  pretty 
soon  settled  the  question  in  a  different  way,  by 
compelling  the  red  men  to  retire  from  tlie  fron- 
tiers of  Virginia,  and  seek  for  new  hunting 
grounds  in  the  far  west. 

Among  the  measures  supported,  though  not 
proposed,  by  Henry,  Vv-as  a  resolution  for  the  in- 
corporation of  all  Christian  societies  whicli  might 
make  application  to  that  effect,  and  another  im- 
posing a  general  assessment  for  the  support  of 
public  worsliip,  but  leaving  it  to  the  discretion 
of  the  individual  to  aj)propriate  the  tax  levied 
upon  him  to  any  church  which  he  might  prefer. 
The  bills  founded  upon  these  resolutions  were 
reported  after  Henry  had  ceased  to  be  a  member 
of  the  House ;  but  the  principles  imbodied  in 
them  had  received  his  warm  support  in  the  in- 
troductory stage.  Tiic  bill  founded  on  the  fust 
of  the  two  resolutions  became  a  law  ;  the  other 
was  rejected  by  a  small  majority,  on  the  third 
readinjjf. 

On  the  4th  of  December,  1786,  soon  after  his 
final  retirement  from  the  chief  magistracy  of  his 


PATRICK     HENRY.  347 

State,  Henry  was  elected  by  the  legislature  one 
of  the  delegates  to  the  Convention  for  revising 
the  Articles  of  Confederation  among  tlie  states. 
His  name  stood  upon  the  list,  as  recorded  in  the 
journal,  next  after  that  of  Washington.  The 
same  imperious  consideration,  which  had  com- 
pelled him  to  decline  reelection  as  Governor,  the 
urgent  necessity  of  attending  to  his  private  af- 
fairs, also  imposed  it  upon*  him  as  a  duty  to 
refrain  from  the  acceptance  of  this  high  and 
honorable  commission,  the  full  importance  of 
which  was  not,  however,  so  distinctly  perceived 
at  the  time  as  it  is  now.  After  the  national 
Convention,  which  met  the  following  year  at 
Philadelphia,  had  terminated  their  labors,  and 
submitted  the  result  to  the  people,  a  state  Con 
vention  was  called  in  Virginia,  to  take  the  pro- 
posed constitution  into  consideration.  Henry 
was  elected  by  the  county  of  Prince  Edward, 
where  he  then  resided,  a  member  of  this  body, 
which  met  at  Richmond  on  the  2d  of  June, 
1788. 


348  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY 


CHAPTER   VII. 

Virginia  Convention  for  considering  the  Plan  of 
the  Federal  Constitution.  —  Henry  opposes  its 
Adoption. 

In  following  the  progress  of  Henry  through  his 
long  political  career  up  to  the  point  which  we 
have  now  reached,  we  have  more  than  once*  seen 
him  acting  upon  his  own  views,  in  direct  opposi- 
tion to  those  of  the  most  distinguished  and 
patriotic  of  his  fellow-laborers,  in  the  common 
cause  of  independence  and  liberty.  On  all  these 
occasions  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  finding  his 
course  sanctioned,  after  a  short  interval,  by  the 
almost  unanimous  approbation  of  his  fellow- 
citizens  ;  and  the  public  opinion  of  the  country 
seems  to  have  settled  down  in  the  conviction  that 
the  bold,  vigorous,  and,  as  it  may  have  appeared 
to  some  at  the  time,  violent  policy,  which  he  rec- 
ommended and  acted  on,  was  the  one  best  fitted 
to  effect  the  common  purpose. 

In  regard  to  the  course  which  he  pursued  in 
the  Convention  for  considering  the  plan  of  the 
federal  constitution,  he  did  not  enjoy  the  same 
good  fortune.  He  appeared  in  that  Assembly  as 
a  determined  opponent  of  the  adoption  of  the 
plan,   and   maintained   his    views   throughout   the 


PATRICK     HENRY.  34£ 

whole    discussion    with    his    characteristic    ardor, 
perseverance,  and   power  of  logic  and  eloquence 
Taking  the  whole  country  through,  he  was  by  far 
the  most   distinguished  and  conspicuous   person, 
who  opposed  the  new  system.     The  great  pros- 
perity which  the  country  has  enjoyed  for  half  a 
century    in    succession    under    this    system,    and 
which  is  justly  attributed  in  no  small   degree  to 
its  beneficial    influence,   has    long  since  stamped 
the   constitution  with  the  seal  of  general    favor. 
It  is  now  a  matter  of  surprise  and  regret,  to  find 
that   any  one,    and  especially    one   so   renowned 
as  Henry  for    talent,    patriotism,    and  eloquence, 
should    have    failed    to   perceive   what    has    since 
become  so  apparent  to  all,  and   should  have  la- 
bored with  so  much  earnestness  to  prevent   the 
adoption  of  a  system   that  has  proved,  in  practice, 
the    salvation    of    the    country.       We    are   half 
tempted  to  doubt,  whether  the  opponents  ot  the 
constitution    acted    with    correct    intentions    and 
purely   patriotic  feelings,  in    resisting  a  measure 
which  appears  to  us,  at  the  present  day,  so  clearly 
and  manifestly  right,  and  to  attribute  their  course 
to  perversity  and   selfishness,  rather   than  to   the 
lofty  and  patriotic  motives  upon  which  it  was  at 
the  time  justified  by  themselves. 

We  must  recollect,  however,  in  forming  an 
opinion  upon  their  conduct,  that  the  constitution 
presented   itself   to   their    minds    under    a    very 


350  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

different  aspect  from  that  in  which  it  now  appears 
to  us.  It  came  before  the  State  Conventions,  no 
doubt,  under  circumstances,  in  some  respects,  of 
the  most  auspicious  character.  It  was  offered  a? 
the  result  of  the  long  and  anxious  deliberations 
of  a  most  respectable  assembly ;  it  bore  the  sig- 
nature of  Washington.  But  there  were  other 
considerations  connected  with  it  of  a  different 
kind.  It  was  known  that  the  Convention  had 
been  greatly  divided  in  opinion,  and  that  the 
most  important  provisions  in  the  constitution  had 
been  sanctioned  by  the  smallest  possible  majori- 
ties, after  the  most  intense  and  bitter  opposition. 
The  plan  was  untried,  and  patriotism  imperious- 
ly required  that  an  untried  system,  involving  a 
complete  revolution  in  the  government,  should  be 
examined  with  extreme  jealousy.  Tiiis  appeared 
the  more  necessary,  as  the  Convention,  in  framing 
a  new  government,  instead  of  merely  amending 
the  existing  one,  had  in  some  degree  exceeded  its 
formal  powers. 

The  system  presented,  in  its  most  conspicuous, 
if  not  most  important,  features,  particularly  that  of 
a  single  executive  magistrate,  forms  repugnant  to 
the  cherished  and  habitual  feelings  of  the  people. 
These  feelings  were,  of  course,  not  diminished,  in 
the  present  instance,  by  the  knowledge,  that  the 
prominent  friends  of  the  constitution  had  urged, 
with    gi-eat   earnestness,    in  the  Convention,    the 


PATRICK     HENRY.  351 

adoption  of  tlie  provisions  in  a  much  more  ob- 
noxious shape.  If  th.e  tendency  of  the  system, 
as  it  stood,  were  considered  doubtful,  the  fact  that 
its  ablest  supporters  in  the  Convenjtion  declared 
the  British  constitution,  especially  in  the  execu- 
tive branch,  to  be  tlie  model  of  a  good  govern- 
ment, might  well  justify  the  suspicion  that  the 
new  project  had,  as  Henry  remarked,  an  "  awful 
squinting  towards  monarchy."  It  may  even  be 
doubted,  whether  the  views  of  the  opponents  of 
the  plan  vv^ere  not,  on  some  points,  more  correct 
than  those  of  its  supporters,  and  whether  the 
immense  amount  of  good,  which  has  resulted  from 
the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  may  not  have 
been  the  effect  of  its  great  leading  principles, 
operating  in  spite,  rather  than  by  the  aid,  of  some 
provisions,  which  were  considered  at  the  time, 
both  by  friends  and  opponents,  as  more  important 
than  they  really  were,  and  which,  so  far  as  they 
have  operated,  have  been  of  injurious  rather  than 
beneficial  tendency.  On  the  whole,  it  not  only 
seems  unnecessary  to  attribute  the  action  of  the 
opponents  of  the  constitution  to  perversity  or  self- 
ish views,  but  it  may  even  be  doubted  whether  the 
course  pursued  by  them  was  not  tlie  one,  which 
would  most  naturally  recommend  itself  to  an 
ardent  and  uncompromising  friend  of  popular 
principles  of  government. 

The  point  upon  which  the  debates  in  the  Gen- 


352  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

eral  Convention  chiefly  turned  was  the  question, 
whether  the  states  should  possess  an  equal  vote  in 
Congress,  as  had  been  the  case  under  the  old 
confederacy,  pv  a  number  of  votes  proportional 
in  each  case  to  their  comparative  population. 
The  Virginia  plan,  as  it  was  called,  which  had 
been  proposed  by  Governor  Randolph,  was  sup- 
ported with  great  power  by  Mr.  Madison,  who 
recommended  tlie  latter  course.  The  former  was 
the  leading  feature  in  the  New  Jersey  plan, 
proposed  by  Mr.  Paterson.  After  protracted  and 
warm  debates,  the  point  was  finally  compromised 
by  granting  to  the  states  an  equal  vote  in  riic 
Senate,  and  a  proportional  one  in  the  House  of 
Representatives.  This  arrangement  was  not  satis 
factory,  at  the  time,  to  the  ardent  supporters  of 
either  principle. 

Some  of  the  most  prominent  champions  of  the 
New  Jersey  scheme  actually  quitted  the  Conven 
tion  and  returned  home,  after  it  was  agreed  upon, 
under  the  impression  that  the  rights  of  the 
states  had  been  abandoned,  that  the  compromise 
could  never  be  sanctioned  by  them,  and  that 
there  could  be  no  advantage  in  taking  any  further 
part  in  the  proceedings.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
most  active  friends  of  the  Virginia  model  were 
equally  dissatisfied,  though  for  a  directly  opposite 
reason.  Governor  Randolph  refused  to  aflix  his 
name  to  his  own  plan  as  amended,  and  Mr.  Mad- 


PATRICK      HENRY.  353 

ison,  its  principal  champion,  althougli  he  con- 
sented to  sign  it,  declared,  and  has  recorded  the 
opinion  in  his  report  of  the  debates,  that  he  con- 
sidered it  as  completely  vitiated  by  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  equal  vote  of  the  states  in  the  Senate, 
which  would,  as  he  thought,  inevitably  perpetuate 
in  the  new  system  the  essential  vices  of  the  old 
confederacy. 

But,  though  the  prominent  supporters  of  the 
Virginia  scheme  in  the  Convention  were  wholly 
discontented  with  the  result,  they  were  generally 
considered,  by  the  people  at  large  of  all  parties,  as 
having  substantially  carried  their  point,  and  given 
to  tlie  general  government  a  great  increase  of 
strength,  as  compared  with  that  which  it  possessed 
under  the  confederacy.  The  experience  of  half 
a  century  has  confirmed  the  correctness  of  this 
view  of  the  subject.  The  equal  vote  of  the 
states  in  the  Senate  has  not  thus  far  proved  to  be 
of  any  practical  importance  for  the  purpose  which 
led  to  its  introduction.  All  the  struggles  that 
have  taken  place  in  Congress,  including  even 
those  in  which  the  respective  pretensions  of  the 
states  and  the  general  government  were  directly 
at  issue,  have  been  decided  by  comparison  of  the 
strength  of  gi*eat  parties  pervading  the  whole 
Union,  as  represented  in  both  branches  of  Con- 
gress, and  not  by  the  votes  of  the  states,  as  repre- 
sented on  a  footing  of  equality   in    the    Senate ; 


VOL.  1.  23 


354  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

while  the  whole  history  of  the  country,  before  and 
since  the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  proves, 
beyond  a  shadow  of  doubt,  that  the  power  of  the 
general  governmelit,  under  the  present  system,  is 
much  greater  than  it  was  under  the  confederacy. 
The  difference  is,  in  fact,  nearly  equivalent  to 
tliat  between  a  government  sufficiently  powerful 
for  every  desirable  purpose,  and  no  government 
at  all. 

In  accordance  with  the  impression  which  pre- 
vailed at  the  time,  xind  has  thus  been  confirmed 
by  experience,  respecting  the  substantial  character 
of  the  plan  proposed  by  the  Convention,  it  re- 
ceived, in  general,  when  submitted  to  the  people, 
the  support  of  those  who  favored  the  Virginia 
system,  and  the  idea  of  strengthening  the  general 
government.  Even  the  prominent  champions  of 
the  Virginia  scheme  in  the  Convention,  who  had 
so  strongly  expressed  their  dissatisfaction  with  it 
as  amended  by  that  body,  seem,  on  full  consider- 
ation, to  have  taken  a  more  favorable  viev/  of  the 
result.  Governor  Randolph,  who  had  refused  to 
sign  the  plan  as  adopted,  and  Mr.  Madison,  who 
declared  that  he  considered  the  original  Vir2:inia 
scheme  as  entirely  vitiated  by  the  amendments, 
were  the  two  most  active  and  prominent  supporters 
of  the  constitution  in  the  Virginia  Convention. 
Even  Hamilton,  who  liad  said,  in  the  Federal  Con- 
vention, that  he  thought  both  the  plans  proposed 


PATRICK     HENRY.  355 

entirely  worthless  from  their  inefTiciency,  and  re- 
garded the  British  constitution  as  the  model  of  a 
good  government,  appeared  in  the  New  York 
State  Convention  as  the  leading  champion  of  the 
plan,  and  labored,  through  the  press,  with  his  char- 
acteristic talent  and  energy,  in  concurrence  with 
Madison  and  Jay,  in  recommending  it  to  the 
people.  On  the  other  hand,  the  opposition  to  the 
plan  in  the  State  Conventions  was  generally  led 
by  the  members  of  the  General  Convention,  who 
had  sustained  in  that  body  the  pretensions  of  the 
states,  and  looked  with'  apprehension  to  any  de- 
cided augmentation  of  the  power  of  the  Union. 
Patrick  Henry,  as  was  stated  in  the  last  chapter, 
had  been  appointed  a  delegate  from  Virginia  to 
the  General  Convention,  but,  from  prudential  mo- 
tives, had  declined  to  accept  the  trust.  He  was, 
therefore,  not  personally  committed  to  either  of 
the  parties  which  had  been  formed  in  that  body ; 
but  there  were  several  circumstances  in  his  char- 
acter and  position,  which  naturally  led  him  to 
sympathize  in  opinion  and  feeling  with  the  par- 
tisans of  the  states.  His  native  commonwealth 
was,  at  that  time,  by  far  the  most  important 
member  of  the  Union.  Any  increase  of  the 
power  of  the  general  government,  as  compared 
with  that  of  the  states,  operated,  of  course,  more 
directly  upon  Virginia  than  upon  any  of  her  sis- 
ters.     While    several  of    the  prominent  Virginia 


356  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

statesmen,  such  as  Washington,  Madison,  Ran- 
dolph, Marshall,  and  others,  overcame,  by  con- 
siderations of  a  more  general  character,  the  force 
of  this  local  feeling,  it  was  not  unnatural  that 
others,  and  especially  those  whose  political  career 
had  identified  their  personal  importance  very 
closely  with  that  of  their  own  state,  should  look 
at  the  whole  question  chiefly  in  reference  to  tlie 
manner  in  which  it  affected  state  interests,  and, 
finding  its  operation  in  this  respect  unfavorable 
to  Virginia,  should,  for  this  reason  only,  decide 
against  it. 

This  was  preeminently  the  case  with  Henry. 
He  had  been,  through  the  most  active  period  of 
his  life,  the  most  prominent  citizen  in  the  Old 
Dominion,  had  occupied  her  highest  places  of 
trust  and  honor,  both  civil  and  military,  and  had 
imparted  to  them,  by  his  splendid  eloquence,  a 
consideration,  which,  as  mere  official  employ- 
ments, they  would  not  otherwise  have  had.  On 
the  other  hand,  he  had  taken  little  or  no  part  in 
the  administration  of  the  general  government ;  had 
not  particularly  distinguished  himself  as  a  mem- 
ber of  Congress,  and  had  no  reason  to  consider 
his  personal  importance  or  reputation  as  imme- 
diately involved  in  the  turn  that  miglit  be  taken 
by  the  affairs  of  the  Union. 

It  may  be  adde«i,  that,  while  he  was  thus  nat- 
urally led,  by  his   personal  associations  and  pre- 


PATRICK     HENRY.  357 

vious  career,  to  favor  tlic  importance  of  the  states, 
rather  tlian  that  of  tlie  general  government,  he 
was  also  strongly  disposed,  by  his  peculiar  views, 
to  look  with  disapprobation  upon  any  attempt 
to  enlarge,  in  any  w^ay,  the  attributes  of  govern- 
ment, whether  state  or  general,  at  the  expense  of 
the  rights  of  the  people.  He  had  professed,  and 
acted  on,  tln-ough  life,  very  often  under  difficult 
circumstances,  and  with  painful  sacrifices  of  per- 
sonal comfort,  the  most  decidedly  republican  prin- 
ciples of  government,  had  constituted  himself,  in 
his  own  state,  a  sort  of  tribune  of  the  people,  and 
protector  of  their  rights  against  the  influence  of  a 
wealthy  aristocracy,  and  was  probably  the  most 
determined  republican,  as  well  as  the  most  zealous 
state  rights  man,  in  the  country.  There  v>as, 
therefore,  in  his  case,  a  remarkable  concurrence 
of  all  the  circumstances,  that  could  well  be  ex- 
pected to  operate  in  producing  in  the  mind  of 
any  individual  a  disposition,  independently  of 
the  actual  merits  of  the  case,  to  oppose  the  new 
plan.  Those  who  reflect  upon  the  immense  in- 
fluence of  accidental  circumstances  on  the  will 
and  judgment,  who  recollect  how  large  a  portion 
of  their  own  opinions,  on  the  most  important  sub- 
jects, have  been  mainly  determined  by  causes 
substantially  of  this  character,  will  not  be  sur- 
prised, hov/ever  strong  their  conviction  may  be  of 
the  essential  excellence  of  the  federal  coiistitution, 


353  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

that  a  patriot  so  pure,  intelligent,  and  sagaciouSj 
as  Henry,  should  have  been  found,  at  tlie  time  of 
its  adoption,  among  its  most  active  opponents. 

It  is,  therefore,  unnecessary  to  suppose,  as  some 
have  done,  that  Henry,  and  the  other  prominent 
opponents  of  the  constitution,  were  actuated  by 
personal  or  selfish  motives.  We  may  even  go  far- 
ther, and  admit  that  tliere  was  not  only  great 
plausibility,  but  much  actual  truth,  in  some  of  their 
views.  However  beneficial  may  have  been  the 
operation  of  the  federal  constitution  as  a  whole, 
it  is  not  to  be  disguised,  that,  under  some  of  its 
aspects,  its  tendency  is  difierent.  This  remark  is 
made  with  particular  allusion  to  the  provision 
for  the  chief  executive  magistracy,  which  may, 
perhaps,  be  considered,  with  propriety,  as  the 
weak  point  in  the  constitution. 

Our  governm.ents,  both  state  and  national. 
viewed  under  one  of  these  aspects,  belong  to  the 
class  of  elective  monarchies ;  and,  although  the 
shortness  of  the  term  for  ^^■hich  our  rulci-s  are 
elected,  and  the  limited  extent  of  the  powers  in- 
trusted to  them,  abate  very  much  the  agitation 
naturally  incident  to  tiiis  form  of  polity,  ex- 
perience has  already  shown  that  the  difficulty  is 
by  no  means  entirely  overcome.  By  tlnowing 
into  the  lottery  of  political  life  tiie  glittering  prize 
of  the  presidency,  we  have  greatly  augmented  the 
intensity  and  eagerness  of  the  struggle  for  official 


PATRICK      HENRY.  359 

distinction.  If  tlie  constitution  of  the  executive 
department  in  this  })articular  form  were  indis- 
pensable to  the  successful  action  of  tlie  govern- 
ment, or  attended  with  advantages  sufficient  to 
counterbalance  the  evils  resulting  from  it,  we 
should,  of  course,  accept  the  latter  with  cheerful- 
ness, as  the  natural  price  which  we  must  pay  for 
the  former ;  but  this  does  not  seem  to  be  the  case. 
The  importance  attached,  in  public  opinion,  to 
the  office  of  president,  is  wholly  disproportionate 
to  the  nature  of  the  political  functions  connected 
with  it,  which  are  chiefly  matters  of  mere  routine. 
The  constant  agitation,  which  is  kept  up 
throughout  the  country  by  the  struggle  for  this 
office,  and  the  great  increase  of  intensity  which 
it  gives  to  party  divisions,  are,  therefore,  a  clear 
injury,  without  any  corresponding  benefit.  If  the 
inconveniences,  wliich  we  have  thus  far  experi- 
enced, be  the  worst  that  are  likely  to  result  from 
the  existing  system,  we  might  endure  them  with 
the  less  reluctance,  since,  considerable  as  they 
in  fact  are,  they  are  yet  trifling,  when  compared 
with  the  terrible  oppressions  incident  to  the  dif- 
ferently constituted  governments  of  the  old  world. 
But  there  is  no  small  ground  for  apprehension, 
that,  as  the  country  advances  in  wealth  and  popu- 
lation, the  inconveniences  alluded  to  may  as- 
sume a  more  malignant  character  than  they  have 
hitherto  worn.     If  our  institutions  are    destined, 


360  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

as  many  suppose,  to  a  premature  and  violent  ter- 
mination, it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  the  strug- 
gle for  the  presidency  will  be  the  immediate 
occasion  of  the  convulsions  by  which  it  will  be 
brought  about.  Without  giving  way  to  gloomy 
forebodings  of  contingent,  perhaps,  on  the  whole, 
improbable,  results,  and  assuming  that  the  good 
sense  of  the  people  will  be  competent  to  correct, 
bv  amendment  of  the  constitution,  any  error  that 
may  become  apparent,  it  is  yet  certain  that, 
if  the  unfortunate  result  alluded  to  should  hap- 
pen, we  shall  have  sacrificed  the  solidity  and 
permanence  of  our  government  for  a  bawble  of, 
no  essential  value. 

It  is  somewhat  remarkable,  that  the  incon- 
veniences and  dangers  incident  to  the  nature  of 
elective  monarchies,  even  in  their  most  qualified 
and  limited  form,  do  not  seem  to  have  occurred 
to  the  minds  of  the  members  of  the  Federal 
Convention,  v/hile  deliberating  upon  this  part  of 
the  constitution.  Their  attention  was  so  entirely 
absorbed  by  the  question  of  the  relative  influence 
of  the  states  in  Congress,  that  they  felt  compara- 
tively little  interest  in  the  executive  department, 
and  continue^  almost  mechanically  the  form  in 
use  under  the  colonial  system,  without  reflecting 
that  the  administration  of  a  subject  province 
under  the  orders  of  a  metropolitan  government, 
and  the  chief  magistracy  of  an  independent  state, 


PATRICK     HENRY  361 

are  functions  of  an  entirely  different  character, 
and  should  be  provided  for  on  directly  opposite 
principles.  The  sagacious  mind  of  Henry,  pre- 
disposed, as  it  was,  for  the  reasons  above  speci- 
fied, to  take  an  unfavorable  view  of  the  plan  of 
tlie  Convention,  seized  at  once  upon  the  weak 
point  in  the  constitution  as  the  principal  object 
of  attack. 

The  overwhelming  power  of  the  president,  and 
its  fatal  ijifluence  upon  the  independence  of 
the  states  and  tlie  liberty  of  the  people,  are  the 
leading  topics  of  his  numerous  and  frequently 
powerful  speeches  in  the  Virginia  Convention. 
There  is,  doubtless,  some,  perhaps  we  may  say 
much,  exaggeration  in  these  views  ;  but  the  ex- 
perience of  half  a  century  has  tended,  on  the 
whole,  to  confirm  rather  than  refute  them.  Of 
the  parties  that  have  subsequently  been  formed  in 
the  country,  those  which  represent  most  directly 
the  friends  of  the  constitution  at  the  period  of 
the  adoption,  have  not  been,  by  any  means,  the 
least  conspicuous  in  denouncing,  as  a  great  evil, 
the  undue  importance  tliat  is  attributed,  in  our 
system,  to  the  cliief  executive  magistracy.  It 
remains  to  be  seen  whether  the  evil  can  be  cured 
by  th.e  quiet  process  of  amendment,  or  whether, 
if  it  be  too  deeply  implanted  in  this  system  to 
admit  of  that  remedy,  it  will  be  kept  hereafter,  as 
it   has  hitherto  been,   in    practical   subordination 


362  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY 

by  the  sounder  and  better  parts  of  the  system,  or 
will  finally  assume  new  degrees  of  malignity,  and 
exercise  upon  the  whole  form  of  the  government 
the  fatal  and  destructive  influence,  which  the 
patriotic  fears  of  Henry  had  led  him  to  an- 
ticipate. 

It  will  not  be  necessary,  on  the  present  occasion, 
to  analyze  accurately  all  the  speeches  made  by 
Henry  in  the  Virginia  Convention.  They  are 
very  numerous,  and  occupy  no  inconsiderable 
portion  of  the  volume  of  debates.  It  may  be 
proper,  however,  to  cast  a  rapid  glance  over  the 
course  of  the  proceedings,  and  to  indicate,  briefly, 
the  part  taken  by  him  on  the  different  questions 
that  successively  came  under  discussion. 

The  Convention  met  at  Richmond,  on  the  2d 
of  June,  1783.  From  the  great  importance  of 
the  state  of  Virginia  in  the  Union,  and  the  care 
with  which  the  members  of  the  Convention  had 
been  selected,  it  was  an  assembly  hardly  less  im- 
posing than  the  Federal  Convention  itself.  Eight 
states  had  already  ratified  the  constitution.  Five 
were  yet  to  pass  upon  it.  By  the  terms  of  the 
instrument,  the  consent  of  one  more  would  make 
it  binding  on  the  ratifying  states.  It  may  well 
be  doubted,  however,  whether,  without  the  rati- 
fication of  Virginia,  it  could  have  gone  into 
successful  operation.  Independently  of  other 
considerations,  Virginia    was    the    residence    of 


PATRICK     HENRY.  363 

Wasliington  ;  and  there  can  be  no  question,  that 
the  anticipation  of  his  election  as  the  first  presi- 
dent was  an  essential  and  indispensable  requisite 
to  the  practical  adoption  of  the  constitution. 
The  proceedings  of  the  Virginia  Convention  were 
therefore  watched  with  intense  interest  throuiih- 
out  the  country,  and  the  results  of  its  delibera- 
tions looked  for  with  extreme  anxiety,  both  .by  * 
the  friend^  and  enemies  of  the  new  system,  as' 
decisive  on  the  main  question  by  its  ultimate 
adoption  or  rejection. 

Tlie  Convention  was  organized  by  the  election 
of  Mr.  Pendleton  as  chairman.  On  the  4th  of 
June,  the  debate  commenced ;  as  a  preliminary 
step,  a  resolution  had  been  passed  that  no  ques- 
tion should  be  taken,  upon  any  particular  clause 
in  the  constitution,  before  the  whole  instrument 
had  undergone  a  full  discussion.  From  the  4th 
to  the  13th  of  June,  the  debate  was  carried  on 
upon  the  instrument  at  large.  On  the  15th,  the 
consideration  of  the  separate  clauses  began,  and 
it  was  continued  until  the  24th.  On  the  25th, 
the  general  discussion  was  renewed  ;  and,  on  the 
26th,  it  was  closed  by  the  adoption  of  the  con- 
stitution. In  the  debate  of  the  25th,  Henry 
had  proposed  a  bill  of  rights  and  a  series  of 
amendments,  the  adoption  of  which  by  the  other 
states  was  to  be  made  a  condition  of  the  ratifi 
cation    of    the    constitution    by    A^irginia.       The 


364  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

proposition,  as  made  by  him,  was  rejected,  and 
the  constitution  adopted  without  condition  ;  but, 
immediately  after  the  vote  for  the  ratification,  a 
committee  was  raised  to  report  a  bill  of  rights 
and  a  series  of  amendments,  to  be  submitted  to 
the  other  states  in  the  form  prescribed  by  the 
constitution.  On  the  27th,  the  committee  re- 
ported the  bilt  of  rights  and  amendments  pro- 
posed by  Henry,  and  their  report  was  accepted. 
This  proceeding  was  the  last  act  of  the  Con- 
vention. 

The  debates  in  this  assembly  were  more  fully 
and  ably  reported,  than  those  of  any  of  the  oth- 
er State  Conventions,  and  fill  an  octavo  volume 
of  nearly  five  Imndred  closely-printed  pages,  a 
volume  second  only  in  value,  for  the  student 
of  constitutional  law,  to  the  inestimable  report 
of  the  debates  in  the  Federal  Convention  by 
Madison.  The  discussions  of  the  first  thirteen 
days  are  particularly  interesting.  They  were 
managed  chiefly  by  Nicholas,  Pendleton,  Ran- 
dolph, Marshall,  and  Madison,  in  favor  of  the 
adoption,  and  by  Henry,  George  Mason,  Mon- 
roe, and  Grayson,  against  it.  All  these  persons 
were  men  of  the  highest  order  of  talent,  but  the 
real  champions  and  leaders  of  the  two  parties 
were  Henrv  and  Madison.  No  two  men  could 
be  more  unlike  in  their  intellectual  constitution, 
and  each    possessed   qualities   in    which   he    was 


PATRICK     HENRY.  365 

decidedly  superior  to  the  otliei'.  Henry  excelled 
his  opponent,  perhaps,  in  original  power  of  mind, 
certainly  in  brilliancy  of  imagination,  and  splen- 
dor of  natural  eloquence.  He  had  also  the  ad- 
vantage that  belongs  to  greater  experience  ;  the 
habit  of  success,  and  a  name  endeared  to  the 
people  by  association,  with  a  long  career  of  pub- 
lic service  and  the  highest  political  and  military 
employments.  In  calm  good  sense,  instinctive 
sagacity,  extent  of  information,  and  clearness  of 
reasoning,  he  was  surpassed  by  his  comparatively 
youthful  rival. 

The  qualities  in  which  Henry  excelled  are  un- 
doubtedly those  that  are  most  likely  to  produce 
effect  on  a  popular  assembly.  It  is,  therefore, 
highly  creditable  to  the  general  intelligence  of 
the  Virginia  Convention,  that  they  manfully  with- 
stood his  overwhelming  eloquence,  backed  as  it 
was  by  the  almost  irresistible  charm  attached  to 
his  name  and  character,  and  yielded  their  assent 
to  the  cool  and  clear  logic  of  Madison.  In  ac- 
counting for  this  result,  we  must  doubtless  take 
into  view  the  array  of  able  coadjutors,  by  whom 
Madison  was  supported  in  the  Convention,  in- 
cluding even  Marshall,  who,  though  he  said  but 
little,  whenever  he  did  speak,  always  spoke  to 
the  point,  with  unrivalled  power ;  the  example 
of  the  other  states,  wliere  the  constitution  had 
already  been  adopted  ;  and,  above  all,  the  gen- 


366  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

eral  reverence  for  the  character  of  Washington, 
who  stood  bcliind  the  curtain  as  a  sort  of  guar- 
dian genius  of  the  precious  instrument  that 
bore  his  signature,  unseen,  unheard,  but  exer- 
cising a  moral  power  that  was  deeply  felt  by  every 
one.  But,  after  making  all  the  necessary  allow- 
ance for  these  circumstances,  it  cannot  well  be 
questioned  that  tlie  influence  of  Madison,  through 
his  talents,  character,  and  persevering  exertions, 
was  the  immediate  cause,  in  the  Virginia  Conven- 
tion, as  it  had  been  before  in  the  general  one,  of 
the  adoption  of  the  constitution.  To  him  belongs 
the  transcendent  honor  of  having  first  supported, 
and  subsequently  sustained  and  carried  through, 
by  means  of  his  own  personal  influence,  at  every 
*  subsequent  stage  of  its  progress,  this  great  char- 
ter of  our  country's  prosperity  and  freedom.  We 
may  search  in  vain  the  long  rolls  of  history  for  a 
higher  title  to  civil  and  political  distinction. 

A  more  particular,  though,  of  course,  very  cur- 
sory, survey  of  the  progress  of  the  debate  will 
show  more  distinctly  how  large  and  important 
was  the  part  taken  in  it  by  the  subject  of  our 
narrative.  After  the  preliminary  proceedings  had 
been  terminated,  the  debate  was  opened  by  Hen- 
ry, w'no  moved  for  "  the  reading  of  the  act  of 
Assembly  appointing  deputies  to  meet  at  Annapo- 
lis, to  consult  with  those  of  other  states  on  the 
situation  of  the  commerce  of  the  United  States, 


PATRICK      HENRY.  367 

the  act  of  Assembly  a{)pointiiig  deputies  to  meet 
ut  P]iiUulel})hki  to  revise  the  articles  of  confedera- 
tion, and  otiicr  public  papers  relative  thereto." 
The  purpose  of  Henry,  in  making  this  motion, 
was,  of  course,  to  introduce  the  formidable,  and 
certainly  not  entirely  ill-founded  objection,  that 
the  Federal  Convention,  in  forming  a  new  system, 
instead  of  merely  revising  the  old  one,  had  ex- 
ceeded its  powers.  The  idea  was,  however,  not 
insisted  on,  and,  after  a  few  remarks  by  Mr. 
Pendleton  in  opposition  to  it,  the  motion  of 
Henry  was  withdrawn.  The  facility  with  which 
this  preliminary  objection,  perhaps  the  strongest 
of  a  positive  kind  that  could  be  brought  against 
the  constitution,  was  yielded  by  its  most  deter- 
mined and  vigorous  antagonist,  shows  already 
that  the  moral  forces,  which  were  operating  in- 
directly in  favor  of  it,  had  sapped  the  strength 
of  opposition  even  before  the  debate  commenced, 
and  afforded  a  pregnant  indication  of  the  proba- 
ble issue. 

This  difficulty  having  been  overcome,  the  dis- 
cussion commenced  with  a  speech  from  IMr. 
Nicholas,  in  which  he  recapitulated,  in  a  forcible 
manner,  and  somewhat  at  large,  the  principal 
arguments  in  favor  of  the  adoption  of  the  plan. 
He  was  followed  by  Henry  in  a  short  speech,  in 
which,  describing  the  proposition  of  the  new 
plan  to  be,  as  it  really  was,  a  proposition  to  effect 


363  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 


• 


a  revolution  in  the  general  government,  he  calls 
upon   its  friends    to  show  cause  for  so   extraor- 
dinary a  proceeding.     The  country  is,   to  all  out- 
ward  appearance,   tranquil   and   prosperous.      In 
such  a   state   of  things,   wiiat  reasonable  motive 
can  be  alleged  for  proceeding   to  this   desperate 
extremity,    v/hich,    by   general    acknowledgment, 
can  only  be   justified   by    the   existence   of   mis- 
government   and  oppression   in    their   worst   and 
most   intolerable    form  ?       In    the    tenor   of   this 
inquiry  we   find  a  second  evidence  of  the    care 
with    which    Henrv    had    surveved    the    whole 
ground,  and  the  skill  with  which  he  had  selected 
the    positions    that    he    intended    successively    to 
occupy.     The  General  Convention  had  exceeded 
its  powers.     This  is  the  first  objection,  and  is  in 
the  nature   of  a   plea  to    the   jurisdiction  of  the 
court  at  law.     This  being  waived,  a  second  objec- 
tion, still  preliminary,  but  of  a  more   substantial 
character,  presents  itself.     The  country  is   tran- 
quil   and    prosperous ;    the    people    are    happy. 
Under  such  circumstances,  it  seems   like  political 
insanity    to  propose   an   entire   revolution  in   the 
government. 

The  friends  of  the  constitution  did  not  meet 
these  objections  with  any  very  precise  or  elabo- 
rate reply.  They  probably  deemed  it  a  more 
politic  plan  of  campaign  to  reserve  their  main 
strength    till    the    positive    objections    had   been 


PATRICK     HENRY.  369 

Stated,  ratlicr  tluiii  to  assume  the  burden  of  proof, 
and  undertake  to  show  by  argument  the  necessity 
of  a  cliange.  Governor  Randolph  made  a  short 
and  not  very  powerful  answer  to  the  speech  of 
Henry.  He  was  followed  by  George  Mason,  in  a 
speech  against  the  plan,  after  which  Mr.  Madison 
made  a  very  few  remarks,  which  closed  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  first  day  of  the  debates.  On  the 
day  following,  the  discussicfn  was  continued  by 
Messrs.  Pendleton  and  Lee,  in  reply  to  Henry  ; 
but  it  was  now  apparent,  that  it  was  not  the 
intention  of  the  friends  of  the  plan  to  meet  th^ 
question  upon  this  ground.  Perceiving  this, 
Henry  proceeded  to  unmask  his  main  battery, 
and  occupied  the  rest  of  the  second  day  by  a 
long  and  powerful  speech,  in  which  he  presented 
in  detail  the  positive  objections.  It  is,  of  course, 
impossible  to  state  them  fully  in  this  connection, 
and  the  general  outline  of  the  argument  is  fa- 
miliar to  most  readers  of  political  history.  The 
leading  topics  of  the  speech,  as  of  all  those 
which  were  made  by  Henry  during  the  discus- 
sion, were  the  danger  of  consolidation,  and  the 
overwhelming  power  of  the  executive. 

The  speech  is  badly  reported,  and  in  two  or 
three  of  the  most  important  parts  is  avowedly 
imperfect.  It  probably  gives  a  very  inadeqwate 
representation  of  the  language  of  the  orator,  to 
say  nothing  of  his  looks,  tones,  and  gestures,. 
VOL.  I.  24 


370  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

everything,  in  short,  that  is  embraced  under  the 
significant  and  comprehensive  term  action.  It 
contains,  however,  even  in  the  shape  in  which 
we  liave  it,  many  brilhant  and  powerful  pas- 
sages, one  of  them  containing  the  celebrated 
and  often  quoted  phrase,  in  which  the  speaker 
denounces  the  plan  as  deformed  by  "  an  awful 
squinting  towards  monarchy."  It  is  easy  to 
conceive,  that,  as  defivered  by  the  orator  himself, 
it  must  have  produced  a  prodigious  effect  upon 
the  assembly. 

The  system  of  attack  contemplated  by  the 
opponents  of  the  plan  was  now  fully  developed. 
They  had  been  compelled  by  the  prudent  man- 
agement of  its  friends  to  assume  the  offensive, 
and  leave  to  the  latter  the  comparatively  easy 
task  of  answering  positive  objections.  It  was 
now  necessary  to  take  the  field  in  reply,  in  full 
force,  under  the  direction  of  the  ablest  cham- 
pions. The  two  following  days,  the  6th  and  7  th 
of  June,  were  accordingly  occupied  by  long  and 
elaborate  speeches  from  Randolph,  Nicholas,  Cor- 
bin,  and  Madison,  in  which  they  successively 
surveyed  the  whole  ground  taken  by  Henry,  and 
presented,  under  every  variety  of  form  and  color, 
the  most  plausible  answers  tliat  could  be  made 
to  Jiis  objections.  At  the  close  of  the  debate 
of  the  7th,  Henry  commenced,  and  continued 
through  the  greater  part  of  that   of  the  ftth  an- 


PATRICK     HENRY. 


371 


other  long  and  powerful  speech  in  rejoinder ;  and 
was  again  answered,  at  great  length,  on  the  same 
and  the  next  following  day,  by  Governor  Ran- 
dolpli.  After  this  the  discussion  was  kept  up  with 
undaunted  spirit,  though  in  a  somewhat  less  regu- 
lar form,  by  the  principal  speakers  on  both  sides, 
until  the  15th,  when  it  was  at  length  brought  to 
a  close.  The  discussion  of  the  separate  articles, 
which  occupied  the  interval  between  this  date 
and  the  23d,  was  necessarily  of  a  more  desultory 
character,  and  would  not  admit  of  a  precise 
analysis.  The  debates  on  the  judiciary,  which 
occupied   the    20th   and    21st,  were    particularly 


interesting. 


On  the  24th,  the  general  discussion  was  re 
newed,  and  Henry  now  made  his  final  effort, 
founding  his  proposition  of  a  ratification  on  the 
Condition  of  the  acceptance  by  the  other  states 
of  a  bill  of  rights  and  a  series  of  amendments. 
At  the  close  of  this  speech,  a  scene  occurred 
which  affords  a  good  example  of  the  manner  in 
which  the  poetical  element  has  blended  itself 
with  tlie  simple  truth  in  the  accounts  handed 
down  to  us  of  Henry's  speeches  and  life.  In  the 
closing  passages  of  his  speech,  while  descanting 
on  the  immense  importance  of  the  question  at 
issue,  Henry  appealed  to  the  beings  of  a  superior 
order,  who  might  be  supposed  to  survey,  from 
their    celestial   abodes,    with   deep    interest   the 


372  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

progress  of  a  struggle  involving  the  future  for- 
tunes of  half  mankind.  "  To  those  beinirs," 
says  Mr.  Wirt,  on  the  authority  of  Judge  Archi- 
bald Stuart,  who  was  a  member  of  the  Con- 
vention, and  present  at  the  debate,  "  to  those 
beings  he  had  addressed  an  invocation  with  a 
most  thrilling  look  and  action,  that  made  every 
nerve  sluidder  with  supernatural  horror,  when,  lo ! 
a  storm  at  that  instant  arose,  which  shook  the 
whole  building,  and  the  spirits  whom  he  had 
called  seemed  to  have  come  at  his  bidding.  Nor 
did  his  eloquence  or  the  storm  immediately  cease. 
Availing  himself  of  the  incident  with  a  master's 
art,  he  seemed  to  mix  in  the  fight  of  his  ethereal 
auxiliaries,  and,  '  rising  on  the  wings  of  the  tem- 
pest, to  seize  upon  the  artillery  of  heaven,  and 
direct  its  fiercest  thunders  as^ainst  the  heads 
of  his  adversaries.'  The  scene  became  insup- 
portable, and  the  House  rose  without  the  formal- 
ity of  adjournment,  the  members  rushing  from 
their  seats  with  precipitation  and  confusion." 

The  reporter  presents  the  passage  in  the 
speech  of  Henry  here  alluded  to  in  the  following 
form ; 

"  The  honorable  gentleman  tells  you  of  im- 
portant blessings,  which  -he  imagines  will  result 
to  us  and  to  mankind  in  general  from  tlie  adop- 
tion of  this  system.  As  for  me,  I  can  only  see 
the  awful  immensity  of  the  dangers  with  which  it 


PATRICK     HENRY.  373 

is  pregnant.  I  see  it.  I  feel  it.  I  sec  beings  of 
a  liiglier  order  anxious  concerning  our  decision. 
I  extend  my  view  beyond  the  horizon  that  limits 
human  vision,  and  beiiold  those  superior  intelli- 
gences anticipating  the  political  revolutions  which 
in  process  of  time  may  take  place  in  America, 
and  the  consequent  happiness  or  misery  of  man- 
kind. I  am  led  to  believe  that  much  of  the 
account  on  one  side  or  the  other  will  depend  on 
what  we  now  decide.  Our  own  happiness  alone 
is  not  affected  by  the  event.  All  nations  are  in- 
terested in  the  determination.  We  have  it  in 
our  own  power  to  secure  the  happiness  of  one 
half  of  tiie  human  race.  Its  adoption  may  in- 
volve the  misery  of  the  other  hemisphere." 

"  Here,"  says  the  reporter,  in  a  parenthesis,  "  a 
violent  storm  arose,  which  put  the  House  in  such 
disorder,  that  Mr.  Henry  was  obliged  to  con- 
clude." 

Mr.  Wirt  remarks,  in  a  note,  that,  "by  com- 
paring the  statement  of  Judge  Stuart  with  this 
passage  in  the  printed  debates,  the  reader  may 
deride  how  far  these  may  be  relied  on  as  speci- 
mens of  Mr.  Henry's  eloquence."  The  passage 
as  reported  certainly  carries  internal  evidence  of 
hc'uvx  a  very  feeble  and  inadequate  transcript  of 
the  orator's  language  ;  but  we  suspect  that  the 
reporter's  parenthesis  will  be  thoug'U  by  most 
leaders    a   much   more   natural  and  plausible  ac- 


374  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

count    of   the    reasons  and  manner   of   adjourn 
ment,  than  the  glowing  statement  of  the  learned 
judge. 

The  general  discussion  was  continued  on  the 
25thj  and  two  or  tlnce  new  speakers  took,  for  the 
first  time,  a  prominent  part  in  the  debate ;  Colo- 
nel Innis,  then  attorney-general  of  the  state,  who 
seems  to  have  been  a  very  remarkable  orator, 
and  whose  eloquence  is  characterized  by  Mr. 
Wirt,  in  his  usual  florid  style,  as  a  "  splen- 
did conflagration,"  Judge  Tyler,  .and  Zachariah 
Johnson.  Randolph,  Henry,  Madison,  Monroe, 
and  Grayson,  mingled,  as  usual,  in  the  discussion. 
At  the  close  of  this  day's  debate,  tlie  question 
was  taken,  and  on  the  two  following  days  the 
proceedings  of  the  Convention  w^ere  brought,  in 
the  manner  that  has  been  already  mentioned, 
to  a  close. 

Although  the  views  of  Henry  were  not  adopted 
by  the  Convention,  he  seems  to  have  suflercd  no 
diminution  of  his  personal  influence  in  conse- 
quence of  the  part  which  he  took  on  this  occa- 
sion. At  the  session  of  the  Assembly,  which  was 
held  on  the  following  October,  he  succeeded  in 
preventing  the  election  of  Mr.  Madison  to  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States,  and  in  carrying  that 
of  Richard  Henry  Lee  and  Mr.  Grayson,  the 
latter  of  whom  had  been  in  tlic  Convention  an 
active    opponent   of    the    constitution.      At    the 


PATRICK     IIHNRY.  375 

same  session,  he  moved  a  resolution  requesting 
Congress  to  call  another  General  Convention,  for 
the  purpose  of  amending  the  instrument  as  adopt- 
ed. A  motion  was  made  to  amend  this  resolution 
by  substituting  another,  inviting  Congress  to  pro- 
pose to  the  states,  in  the  constitutional  way,  the 
bill  of  rights  and  series  of  amendments  proposed 
by  Henry,  and  adopted  at  the  Ptichmond  Conven- 
tion. This  motion  was  rejected,  and  the  original 
proposal  of  Henry  was  adopted  by  a  trium- 
phant majority  of  more  than  two  to  one. 

Thus  terminated  the  action  of  Henry  upon  the 
great  reform  eflected  in  the  goverinnent  by  the 
adoption  of  the  federal  constitution.  While  we 
render  the  fullest  justice  to  the  correctness  of 
his  intentions,  and  to  the  superiority  of  talent  and 
eloquence  with  which  he  supported  his  views  in 
the  Convention,  we  may  pronounce  it,  without 
hesitation,  a  most  fortunate  thing  for  the  country 
that  they  did  not  prevail.  Still  more  fortunate 
will  it  be,  if  the  dangers  which  he  apprehended 
shall  prove,  in  the  sequel,  to  have  been  imaginary, 
and  not  to  have  been  adjourned  for  a  time,  only 
to  burst  upon  us  with  greater  fury  in  proportion 
to  the  immense  augmentation,  which  will  have 
taken  place  in  the  interval  in  the  extent  and 
population  of  the  country.  The  enemies  of  lib- 
eral constitutions  abroad  generally  look  forward 
to  the  early  occurrence  among  us  of  some  such 


376  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

catastrophe,  and  are  sustained  in  their  gloomy 
forebodings  by  the  opinions  of  many  of  our  most 
judicious  and  best  informed  citizens.  Yet  when 
we  find  the  superior  hberaUty  of  our  institutions, 
accompanied,  as  it  thus  far  has  been,  by  a  corre- 
sponding superiority  in  the  intelhgence.  morahty, 
and  general  well-being  of  the  people,  we  may 
venture,  perhaps,  to  regard  such  apprehensions  as 
groundless,  and  to  consider  the  establishment  of 
our  republican  empire  as  the  opening  of  a  new 
and  more  auspicious  chapter  in  the  history  of 
man. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 


Retirement  of  Henry  from  political  and  ijrofes' 
sional  Life.  —  Domestic  Occupations.  —  Death 
and  Character. 

The  proceedings  detailed  in  the  preceding 
chapter  were  the  last,  of  a  political  character,  in 
which  Henry  was  engaged.  It  is  understood, 
that,  on  the  retirement  of  Mr.  Jefferson  from  the 
office  of  Secretary  of  State,  Henry  was  requested 
to  take  charge  of  that  department  of  the  govern- 
ment ;  and  it  is  rumored,  that,  at  a  later  period, 
during  the  administration  of  John  Adams,  he  was 


PATRICK     HENRY.  377 

ofTered  successively  the  appointments  of  Minister 
to  France  and  to  Spain.  At  the  close  of  the 
year  179G,  lie  was  elected  by  the  legislature 
Governor  of  the  commonwealth,  but  declined 
the  ollice. 

He  seems  to  have  taken  no  very  decided  part 
in  th.e  political  controversies  tliat  grew  up  after 
the  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution,  but  fa- 
vored alternately  the  views  of  one  or  the  other 
party,  according  to  iiis  own  private  opinion  of 
the  merits  of  the  particular  question  upon  which 
they  were  for  the  time  divided.  He  disapproved 
Mr.  Jay's  treaty  with  Great  Britain  ;  but,  after 
it  had  been  ratified  by  the  Senate,  and  become 
constitutionally  tiie  law  of  the  land,  he  deemed 
it  the  duty  of  every  citizen  to  concur  in  carrying 
it  into  effect  in  his  appropriate  sphere  of  action, 
whether  political  or  personal,  and  condemned  the 
course  of  those  members  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives of  the  United  States,  v/ho  endeav- 
ored to  prevent  the  appropriation  necessary  for 
this  purpose.  He  also  publicly  expressed  his 
approbation  of  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws, 
and  his  disapprobation  of  the  celebrated  Ken- 
tucky and  Virginia  resolutions.  So  strong  was 
his  apprehension  of  danger  to  the  public  tran- 
quiUity,  from  the  policy  which  dictated  these  res- 
olutions, that  it  induced  him  to  break  tlie  deter- 
mination,   which    he    had    previously    formed,   to 


373  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

take  no  further  part  in  the  public  affairs  ;  and; 
in  the  spring  of  the  year  1799,  he  presented  him 
self  to  the  electors  of  Charlotte  county,  in  which 
he  resided,  as  a  candidate  for  the  State  Assembly. 
Although  his  avowed  object,  in  seeking  an  elec- 
tion, was   to  oppose  the  views  of  a  party  which 
predominated  throughout  the  State,  his  personal 
influence  was  so  great   that  he   was   elected  by 
his  usual  commanding  majority.     After  his  elec- 
tion was  known,  it  was  deemed  by  the  republi- 
can leaders    a   matter    of   so   much   importance, 
that  great  exertions  were  made  to  bring  into  the 
Assembly  their  most  distinguished  advocates,  for 
the  purpose  of  neutralizing  his  influence.     Giles, 
Taylor  of  Caroline,  Nicholas,  and  a  number  of 
younger    men,    conspicuous    for    talent   and    elo- 
quence, were  deputed   to  the  Assembly.     Madi- 
son himself  retii'cd  from  Congress,  and  accepted 
a  place   in   the  Virginia  legislature  for  the  pur- 
pose of  encountering  the  great  champion  on  his 
own    ground.       Had    Henry    taken    his    seat,    it 
would    have   been   a   singular    spectacle    to    see 
these  distinguished    men    leading  on,   as    before, 
their  respective  parties,  but  each,  so  far  as  party 
connections   were   concerned,   occupying  a    posi- 
tion directly  opposite  to   that  which   lie  had  held 
in  the  State  Convention.     The  republican  party 
had  a  large  majority  in   the  Assembly,  and  it  is 
altogether  probable  that  Henry  would  have  found 


PATRICK     HENRY. 


379 


it  as  difTicult  to  stem  the  torrent  of  public  opin- 
ion on  tliis  occasion,  as  he  had  on  the  preceding 
one  ;  but  the  point  was  never  brought  to  a  prac- 
tical issue.  A  disease,  under  which  he  had  been 
suftcring  for  two  years,  came  to  a  crisis  about 
the  time  of  his  election  to  the  Assembly,  and 
terminated  fatally  on  the  6th  of  June,  1799. 

At  the  new  session  of  the  Assembly,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  federal  party  moved  the  following  res- 
olution ; 

''  The  General  Assembly  of  Virginia,  as  a  tes- 
timonial of  their  veneration  for  the  cliaracter  of 
their  late  illustrious  fellow-citizen,  Patrick  Henry, 
whose  unrivalled  eloquence  and  superior  talents 
were,  in  times  of  peculiar  peril  and  distress,  so 
uniformly,  so  powerfully  and  successfully  de- 
voted to  the  cause  of  freedom  and  of  his  coun- 
try ;  and,  in  order  to  incite  the  present  and  fu- 
ture o-enerations  to  an  imitation  of  his  virtues, 
and  an  emulation  of  his  fame  ; 

"Pcesolve,  That  the  Executive  be  authorized 
and  requested  to  procure  a  marble  bust  of  the 
said  Patrick  Henry,  at  the  public  expense,  and 
to  cause  the  same  to  be  placed  in  one  of  the 
niches  of  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Delegates." 

The  reception,  which  this  motion  met  with  in 
the  Assembly,  affords  a  striking  proof  how  com- 
pletely, at  periods  of  high  party  excitement,  a 
difference  of  opinion    on    the    current    questions 


380  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

of  the  day  is  permitted  to  outweigh  every  con- 
sideration of  a  more  general  character.  The 
mover  of  tlie  resolution,  as  well  as  the  illustri- 
ous subject  of  it,  was  regarded  by  the  majority, 
not  merely  as  an  opponent,  but  as  an  apostate ; 
and,  although  every  member  would  have  doubt- 
less concurred  in  the  view  taken  of  Henry's  gen- 
eral character,  and  in  the  propriety  of  the  meas- 
ure recommended,  the  action  on  the  resolutions 
was  determined  by  a  strictly  party  vote.  A  mem- 
ber of  the  majority  moved  to  lay  it  on  the  table. 
The  member  who  offered  it  replied,  with  warmth, 
that,  if  it  were  so  disposed  of,  he  would  never 
call  it  up  again.  The  motion  to  lay  on  the  table 
prevailed,  and  the  resolution  was,  in  consequence, 
never  acted  on. 

The  charge  of  apostasy  is  habitually  made,  in 
this  and  other  countries,  against  all  wiio  take  a 
course,  in  political  or  religious  affairs,  different 
from  that  pursued  by  a  party  with  which  they 
have  habitually  acted,  and  is  generally  intended 
to  intimate  a  suspicion  of  corrupt  or  interested 
motives.  In  reality,  a  difference  of  this  kind 
does  not,  in  all  cases,  suppose  even  inconsistency 
in  principle.  The  questions  upon  which  parties 
are  divided  are  continually  changing  ;  and,  with 
the  few  who  form  opinions  for  themselves,  it 
must  be  a  matter  of  mere  accident  whether,  in 
reasoning  upon  a  new  state  of  things,  they  come 


PATRICK     HENRY.  381 

to  the  same  conclusions,  which  are  drawn  by 
others,  with  whom  they  had  agreed  before  upon 
a  difierent  subject. 

In  the  present  case,  it  might,  perhaps,  have 
appeared  more  natural  that  Henry,  who  had  op- 
posed the  federal  constitution,  as  tending  too 
strongly  to  concentrate  power  in  the  govern- 
ment, should  have  afterwards  favored  the  strict- 
est construction  of  that  instrument ;  while,  on 
the  other  hand,  it  may  be  thought  singular  that 
Madison,  the  great  champion  of  a  vigorous  gen- 
eral government  in  the  Federal  and  Virginia  Con- 
ventions, should  have  insisted  on  the  construction 
more  favorable  to  state  rights  and  individual  lib- 
erty. But,  after  all,  the  questions  of  the  Alien 
and  Sedition  Laws,  and  of  our  relations  with 
France,  which  formed  the  principal  topics  of 
party  controversy  at  tliis  period,  were  essentially 
different  from  that  of  the  adoption  or  rejection 
of  the  federal  constitution ;  and  it  is  quite  un- 
necessary, and  of  course  uncharitable  and  unjust, 
to  suppose  that  either  of  the  two  great  Virginia 
statesmen  was  governed,  in  the  course  he  pur- 
sued, by  any  other  than  the  purest  and  most 
patriotic  motives. 

This  is  now  universally  acknowledged  in  the 
case  of  Mr.  Madison,  whose  name  and  memorv 
are  equally  respected  by  all  parties ;  and  it  is 
presumed,  that  the   verdict  of   public  opinion  is 


3S2  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

not  less  favorable  in  regard  to  Henry.  In  nei- 
ther case  could  there  be  the  slightest  pretence 
for  the  imputation  of  interested  views ;  and  both, 
in  taking  a  course  which  necessarily  exposed 
them  to  a  good  deal  of  temporary  obloquy, 
evinced  a  moral  courage  in  a  high  degree  hon- 
orable to  their  general  characters.  In  a  letter 
to  his  daughter,  Mrs.  Aylett,  written  in  1796, 
Henry  repels  the  idea  of  any  change  in  his  opin- 
ions, upon  the  leading  principles  of  political  phi- 
losophy, and  gives  his  reasons,  founded  on  the 
merits  of  the  particular  cases,  for  differing  from 
his  former  associates  upon  the  points  then  at  is- 
sue. It  is  unnecessary,  for  the  present  purpose, 
to  pursue  the  subject  in  any  further  detail. 

After  his  retirement  from  political  life,  Henry 
continued  for  several  years  tlie  practice  of  his 
laborious  profession  with  undiminished  reputation 
and  success.  In  the  class  of  cases  which  require 
or  admit  the  dignity  of  eloquence,  he  stood,  by 
general  acknowledgment,  at  the  head  of  the  bar 
and  thouirh  less  familiar  with  the  technical  learn- 
ing  of  the  law  than  some  others,  yet,  whenever 
the  questions  involved  were  of  sufficient  interest 
to  engage  his  attention,  he  qualified  himself  for 
the  occasion,  and  maintained  his  usual  undisputed 
preeminence.  The  celebrated  case  of  the  British 
debts,  which  he  argued  twice  for  two  or  three 
days   in  succession,   was,   perhaps,  the   most  im 


PATRICK     HENRY.  3S3 

portaot  in  which  he  was  engaged.  A  report  of 
his  second  argument  is  given,  at  great  length,  by 
Mr.  Wirt,  from  tlie  notes  of  Robertson,  the  re- 
porter of  the  debates  in  the  Virginia  Convention  ; 
and  although,  doubtless,  (as  every  such  report 
must  .necessarily  be,)  a  very  imperfect  copy  of  the 
orator's  language,  conveys  the  impression  of  the 
highest  order  of  forensic  ability.  In  1794,  he 
finally  retired  from  professional  life,  and,  with  the 
exception  of  the  brief  periods  of  political  action 
already  alluded  to,  passed  his  remaining  years  in 
the  bosom  of  his  family. 

The  steady  pursuit  of  his  profession,  to  which 
he  had  of  late  devoted  himself,  had  supplied  him 
witlf  a  competent  fortune.  By  his  two  marriages 
he  was  the  father  of  fifteen  children,  eleven  of 
whom,  with  his  second  wife,  were  living  at  his 
death.  He  thus  enjoyed  the  highest  satisfaction 
that  can  belong  to  the  declining  period  of  life,  in 
the  society  and  affection  of  a  numerous  offspring. 
He  retained,  to  the  last,  the  cheerful  and  sportive 
temperament  which  formed,  in  youth,  his  most 
remarkable  characteristic.  He  was  frequently 
found  by  his  visiters  joining  in  the  games  of  his 
little  grandchildren,  and  entrancing  them  with  the 
music  of  the  same  violin,  which  had  so  often  in 
his  early  days  seduced  him  from  the  graver  occu- 
pations of  the  counting-room.  His  love  of  con 
vernation    and  society  had  always  been  intense ; 


384  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

and,  being  now  relieved  from  care  and  business 
of  every  kind,  he  gave  himself  up  without  re- 
straint to  this  cherished  passion.  He  was  always 
surrounded  by  a  circle  of  family  connections  and 
neighbors,  including  a  constant  succession  of 
strangers  from  other  states  and  foreign  countries, 
who  were  attracted,  by  Iiis  high  reputation,  to 
visit  him  at  his  residence.  In  the  court  before 
his  door  there  was  a  large  walnut-tree,  under 
which  he  often  passed  his  summer  evenings  and 
entertained  his  friends. 

Imagination  can  present  no  brighter  picture  of 
a  happy  old  age,  than  is  exhibited  in  the  real  life 
of  Henry  ;  and,  when  we  compare  this  charming 
spectacle  with  that  of  the.  cares  and  privations 
which  have  clouded  the  closing  years  of  some  of 
our  greatest  revolutionary  patriots,  we  are  forced 
to  acknowledge,  that  the  strict  private  economy 
with  which  Henry  has  sometimes  been  reproached 
as  a  fault,  when  combined,  as  it  was  in  his  case, 
with  a  genial  temperament  and  a  liberal  discharge 
of  all  the  duties  of  life,  was  not  so  much  a 
venial  error  as  an  actual,  positive,  and  most  im- 
portant virtue.  He  had  been  always  strongly 
impressed  with  the  importance  of  religion,  and 
had  studied  with  care  the  best  books  on  the  sub- 
ject tliat  came  witliin  his  reach.  In  the  year 
1790,  he  published,  at  his  own  expense,,  for  gra- 
tuitous distribution  among  the  people,  an  edition 


PATRICK     HENRY.  385 


O 


of  Soame  Jenyns's  View  of  the  Internal  Evi- 
dences of  Christianity.  Among  his  favorite 
works  were  Doddridge's  Rise  and  Progress  of 
Rehgion  in  the  Soul,  and  Butler's  Analogy  of 
Religion,  Natural  and  Revealed ;  a  selection 
not  less  honorable  to  his  literary  taste,  than  to 
his  religious  character.  In  his  last  days,  he  dwelt 
with  augmented  interest  on  these  great  subjects. 
To  a  friend,  who  visited  him  not  long  before 
his  death,  and  found  him  engaged  in  reading 
the  Bible,  he  remarked,  •'  This  is  a  book  worth 
more  than  all  the  others  that  were  ever  printed. 
It  is  my  misfortune  not  to  have  found  time  to 
read  it  with  the  proper  attention  and  feeling  till 
lately.  I  trust  in  the  mercy  of  Heaven,  that  it  is 
not  yet  too  late."  It  appears,  from  the  language 
used  on  this  occasion,  and  from  other  circum- 
stances,  that  he  inclined  to  what  is  popularly 
called  the  Orthodox  view  of  Christianity ;  but  he 
was  entirely  free  from  sectarian  dogmatism,  and 
did  not  even  connect  himself  in  form  with  any 
denomination  of  Christians  He  had  probably 
reached,  by  the  power  of  his  own  instinctive 
sagacity,  that  higher  view  towards  which  the 
public  mind  is  now  struggling,  without  having  yet 
fully  attained  it,  which  regards  the  points  that 
divide  the  different  sects  from  each  other  as  com- 
paratively immaterial,  and  the  essence  of  religion 
as  residing  in  those  that  are  common  to  them  all. 
VOL.  1.  25 


336  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

In  his  person,  Henry  was  tall  and  thin,  with  a 
slight  stoop  of  the  shoulders.  His  complexion 
was  dark,  and  his  face  furrowed  by  deep  lines  of 
care  and  thought,  which  gave  it  a  somewhat 
severe  aspect.  In  his  youth,  he  was  rather  in- 
attentive to  his  dress ;  but  in  his  later  years, 
especially  on  public  occasions,  and  while  he  occu- 
pied the  executive  chair,  he  paid,  in  this  respect, 
a  proper  regard  to  the  decorum  required  by  his 
position  in  society.  At  the  bar  of  the  General 
Assembly  he  always  appeared  in  a  full  suit  of 
black  cloth,  or  velvet,  with  a  tie-wig  dressed  and 
powdered  in  the  highest  style  of  forensic  fashion ; 
and  in  the  winter  season  he  wore  over  his  other 
apparel,  in  accordance  with  the  usage  of  the 
time,  an  ample  scarlet  cloak.  As  he  advanced 
;n  vears,  he  also  exchanged  the  rusticity  of  his 
youthful  manners  for  a  deportment  distinguished 
by  entire  self-possession,  and,  on  proper  occasions, 
by  an  air  of  stateliness  and  elegance.  He  is 
represented,  by  those  who  have  been  present 
when  he  has  entered  the  hall  of  the  Assembly  for 
the  purpose  of  arguing  some  important  case,  as 
''  saluting  the  House  all  round  with  a  dignity,  and 
even  majesty,  that  would  have  done  honor  to  the 
most  polished  courtier  in  Europe." 

The  leading:  traits  in  his  intellectual  and  moral 
character  have  been  often  alluded  to  in  the 
course  of  this  narrative,  and  are  shown  too  clearly 


PATRICK     HENRY.  387 

in  his  practical  lifq  to  require  an  elaborate  reca- 
pitulation. He  possessed  an  instinctive  sagacity, 
which  supplied,  to  a  great  extent,  the  deficiencies 
of  his  education ;  a  moral  courage,  which  led  him 
to  spurn  at  all  considerations  of  mere  temporary 
expediency,  when  he  was  once  satisfied  where  the 
right  lay,  and  a  naturally  noble  and  generous 
heart.  To  these  latter  qualities  he  owed  his  ex 
traordinary  efficiency  and  success  as  a  public 
speaker.  Eloquence,  no  doubt,  supposes,  in  gen 
eral,  the  natural  gift  of  an  easy,  copious,  and 
flowing  utterance  ;  but  this  is  not  a  rare  endow- 
ment, and,  when  wholly  or  chiefly  relied  upon 
for  eflfect,  is  apt  to  tire,  rather  than  convince 
or  delight  an  audience.  It  rises  into  eloquence 
only  when  it  becomes  the  expression  of  powerful 
thought,   and  especially  deep  feehng. 

While  the  speaker  only  gratifies  the  ear  with 
melodious  tones,  and  pleases  the  eye  with  gi-ace- 
ful  gestures,  he  is  in  some  degi-ee  successful,  but 
does  not  produce  the  highest  possible  eflect. 
Nor  does  he  reach  the  perfection  of  his  art,  when 
he  merely  succeeds  in  convincing  the  judgment 
by  a  train  of  sound  or  plausible  reasoning.  It  is 
only  wlien  he  acts  upon  the  moral  part  of  our 
nature,  by  stirring  and  successful  appeals  to  the 
passions,  that  he  kindles  enthusiasm,  and  becomes 
for  the  moment  a  sort  of  divinity.  The  power 
of  producing  such  efllects,  of  making  such  appeals 


388  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

with  success,  is  itself,  in  a  great  measure,  the 
result  of  a  naturally  keen  sensibility,  which  is 
accordingly  represented  by  the  greatest  critic  of 
antiquity  as  the  foundation  of  excellence  in  pub- 
lic speaking.  Pectus  est  quod  facit  disertum. 
But  even  this  essential  requisite  is  not  sufficient ; 
for  the  orator  must  not  only  move  and  melt,  but, 
on  proper  occasions,  alarm,  terrify,  and  subjugate 
his  hearers.  In  order  to  succeed  in  this,  he  must 
possess  the  moral  courage,  the  undaunted  self- 
possession,  the  overwhelming  energy  of  character, 
^^•hich  enables  him  to  point  the  artillery  of  his 
eloquence  at  its  object,  under  all  circumstances, 
and  without  regard  to  personal  consequences. 

In  the  possession,  in  a  much  higher  degree  than 
others,  of  these  transcendent  moral  qualifications 
for  success  in  oratory,  lay  the  secret  of  the  su- 
premacy of  Henry  over  his  distinguished  con- 
temporaries and  rivals,  some  of  whom,  as,  for 
instance,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  were  much  above 
him  in  literary  accomplishments  and  external 
graces  of  manner.  In  this  lay  the  peculiar 
charm,  which,  by  general  acknowledgment,  hung 
upon  his  lips,  as  it  does  upon  those  of  every  truly 
eloquent  speaker,  and  which  the  hearer  can  only 
feel  without  being  able  to  describe.  Description, 
in  fact,  embraces  only  such  particulars  as  meet 
the  eye  and  ear ;  but  the  sympathy,  which  rouses 
and  inflames  the  moral  part  of  our  nature,  is  a 


PATRICK     HENRY.  389 

kind  of  magnetic  impulse,  that  passes  from  the 
heart  of  the  speaker  to  that  of  his  audience, 
eluding  observation,  and  only  recognized  in  its 
overwhelming  results. 

The  language,  wliich  forms  the  medium  for  the 
transmission  of  this  impulse,  and  which  is  identi- 
cal in  its  essence  with  the  highest  poetry,  tran- 
scends, of  course,  the  talent  of  the  ordinary 
reporter.  It  can  never  be  reduced  to  a  per- 
manent form,  excepting  when  the  orator  himself 
combines  with  the  requisites  of  his  own  art 
the  talent  of  a  first-rate  writer.  To  this  rare 
combination  of  powers  we  owe  the  finished 
specimens,  which  have  come  down  to  us,  of  the 
eloquence  of  the  two  great  orators  of  Greece  and 
Rome.  Chatham,  the  first  of  British  speak- 
ers, either  wanted  the  talent  of  writing,  or  did 
not  exercise  it  in  his  own  speeches  ;  which  cor- 
respond very  imperfectly  with  the  effects,  that  we 
know  to  have  attended  their  delivery.  Henry, 
like  him,  had  never  cultivated,  and  rarely  exer- 
cised, the  art  of  writing;  the  reports  of  his 
speeches,  while  they  furnish  an  outline  of  the 
argument,  convey  no  image  of  the  glowing  lan- 
srua^'e  in  which  it  was  clothed,  still  less  of 
the  moral  inspiration  that  chiefly  gave  it  eflfect. 
They  fall,  of  course,  far  below  his  fame  ;  and  it  is, 
after  all,  on  the  faith  of  mere  tradition,  attested, 
however,  by  facts  too  numorous  and  of  too  pub- 


390  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 


lie  a  character  to  leave  it  m  any  way  doubtful;  j 

that  the   present  and  future  generations  will  ac-  \ 

knowledge  the  justice  of  his  claim  to  the   proud  ] 
title,  that    has   been   given   him,    of  the  greatest 

orator  of  the  New  World.  j 


NOTE, 

BY    THE    EDITOR 


Virginia   Resolutiotis  on  the   Stanij)   Act, 
[See  p.  266.] 

A  COPY  of  these  Resolutions  was  sent  to  the  Min- 
istry by  Governor  Fauquier.  The  following  is  an 
extract  from  his  letter  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  dated 
Williamsburg,  June  5th,  17G5. 

"On  Saturday,  the  1st  instant,  I  dissolved  the  As- 
sembly, after  passing  all  the  bills,  except  one,  which 
were  ready  for  my  assent.  The  four  Resolutions, 
which  I  have  now  the  honor  to  enclose  to  your  Lord- 
ships, will  show  your  Lordships  the  reason  of  my  con 
duct,  and,  I  hope,  justify  it.  I  will  relate  the  whole 
proceeding  to  your  Lordships  in  as  concise  a  man- 
ner as  I  am  able. 

*'  On  Wednesday,  the  29th  of  May,  just  at  the  end 
of  the  session,  when  most  of  the  members  had  left 
the  town,  there  being  but  thirty-nine  present,  of  one 
hundred  and  sixteen,  of  which  the  House  of  Bur- 
gesses now  consists,  a  motion  was  made  to  take  into 
consideration  the  Stiimp  Act,  a  copy  of  which  had 
crept    into   the    House;  and    in   a  committee   of  the 


392  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

whole  House  five  resolutions  were  proposed  and  agreed 
to,  all  by  very  small  majorities.  On  Thursday,  the 
30th,  they  were  reported  and  agreed  to  by  the  House, 
the  number  being  as  before  in  the  committee ;  the 
greatest  majority  being  twenty-two  to  seventeen;  for 
the  fifth  resolution,  twenty  to  nineteen  only.  On  Fri 
day,  the  31st,  there  having  happened  a  small  altera- 
tion in  the  House,  there  was  an  attempt  to  strike  all 
the  Resolutions  off  the  Journals.  The  fifth,  which 
was  thought  the  most  offensive,  was  accordingly  struck 
off;  but  it  did  not  succeed  as  to  the  other  four.  I 
am  informed  the  gentlemen  had  two  more  resolutions 
in  their  pocket,  but  finding  the  difficulty  they  had  in 
carrying  the  fifth,  which  was  by  a  single  voice,  and 
knowing  them  to  be  more  virulent  and  inflammatory, 
they  did  not  produce  them. 

"  The  most  strenuous  opposers  of  this  rash  heat 
were  the  late  Speaker,  the  King's  Attorney,  and  Mr. 
Wythe;  but  they  were  overpowered  by  the  young, 
hot,  and  giddy  members.  In  the  course  of  the  de- 
bates, I  have  heard  that  very  indecent  language  was 
used  by  a  Mr.  Henry,  a  young  lawyer,  who  h;id  not 
been  above  a  month  a  member  of  the  House,  and  who 
carried  all  the  young  members  with  him.  So  that  I 
hope  I  am  authorized  at  least  in  saying,  that  there 
is  cause  to  doubt,  whether  this  would  have  been  the 
sense  of  the  colony,  if  most  of  their  representatives 
had  done  their  duty  by  attending  to  the  end  of  the 
session." 

Shortly  after  this  letter  arrived  in  London,  the 
Rockingham  ministry  came  into  power,  and  Mr.  Secr 


PATRICK     HENRY.  393 

retary  Conway  wrote  a  inild   and   conciliatory   reply, 
dated  St.  James's,  September  14th. 

*'  It  is  with  great  pleasure,"  he  says,  '*  I  received 
his  Majesty's  commands  to  declare  to  you  his  gra- 
cious approbation  of  your  conduct.  His  Majesty  and 
his  servants  are  satisfied,  that  the  precipitate  P^eso- 
lutions  you  sent  home  did  not  take  their  rise  from 
any  remissness  or  inattention  in  you ;  nor  is  his  Ma- 
jesty at  all  inclined  to  suppose,  that  any  instance  of 
diffidence  or  dissatisfaction  could  be  founded  in  the 
general  inclination  of  his  ancient  and  loyal  colony 
of  VircTuiia.  The  nature  of  the  thing,  and  your 
representations,  induce  a  persuasion  that  those  ill-ad- 
vised Resolutions  owed  their  birth  to  the  violence  of 
some  individuals,  who,  taking  advantage  of  a  thin  As- 
sembly, so  far  prevailed  as  to  publish  their  own  un- 
formed opinions  to  the  world  as  the  sentiments  of  the 
colony. 

"  But  his  Majesty  will  not,  by  the  prevalence  of  a 
few  men  at  a  certain  moment,  be  persuaded  to  change 
the  opinion  or  lessen  the  confidence  he  has  always 
entertained  of  the  colony  of  Virginia,  which  has  al- 
ways experienced  the  protection  of  the  crown.  His 
Majesty's  servants,  therefore,  with  entire  reliance  on 
your  prudence,  and  on  the  virtue  and  wisdom  of  the 
colony  intrusted  to  your  care,  persuade  themselves, 
that,  when  a  full  Assembly  shall  calmly  and  maturely 
deliberate  on  these  Resolutions,  they  will  see  and  be 
ihemselves  alarmed  at  the  dangerous  tendency  and 
mischievous  consequences,  which  they  might  be  pro- 
ductive of,  both  to  the  mother  country  and  to  the 
colonies,  v/hich   are  the   equal   objects  of  his  Majes-^ 


394  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

ty's  parental  care,  and  whose  mutual  happiness  and 
prosperity  certainly  require  a  confidential  reliance  of 
the  colonies  upon  the  mother  country." 

The  above  extracts  explain  the  proceedings  of  the 
Assembly  in  passing  the  Resolutions,  and  the  manner 
in  which  the  British  government  thought  proper  to 
view  them  at  the  time. 

A  shade  of  mystery  hangs  over  these  Resolutions. 
All  the  accounts  agree,  that,  when  they  went  out 
to  the  world,  they  produced  a  very  great  excitement 
in  the  public  mind,  and  had  an  extraordinary  influ- 
ence in  prompting  the  subsequent  movements.  But 
when  we  now  read  them,  as  recorded  by  the  pen  of 
Mr.  Henry  hiniself,  even  including  the  fifth  resolu- 
tion, which  was  rejected  by  the  Assembly,  it  is  im- 
possible to  discover  in  what  their  exciting  tendency 
consisted.  The  same  sentiments,  clothed  in  language 
as  strong,  had  before  been  expressed  by  other  assem- 
blies and  public  bodies.  Mr.  Wirt  has  shown,  from 
the  printed  Journals,  that  the  first  four  Resolutions 
only  were  passed  by  the  Virginia  Assembly,  and  that 
the  last  two  of  these  were  considerably  modified  by 
amendments.  Now,  these  four  Resolutions,  whether 
in  their  original  or  amended  form,  manly  and  bold 
as  they  are,  contain  nothing  more  than  a  declaration 
of  sentiments,  which  had  already  been  declared  and 
published  by  other  Assemblies. 

The  fifth  resolution,  which  passed  at  first  by  a  ma- 
jority of  one  vote,  and  which,  upon  a  reconsidera- 
tion, was  expunged  from  the  Journals,  is  as  follows ; 

**  Resolved,  therefore.  That  the  General  Assembly 
of  this  colony  have  the   sole  right  and  power  to  lay 


PATRICK      IlENUY.  395 

taxes  and  impositions  upon  the  inhabitants  of  this 
colony  ;  and  that  every  attempt  to  vest  such  power 
in  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever,  otlier  than  the 
General  Assembly  aforesaid,  has  a  manifest  tendency 
to  destroy  British  as  well   as  American  freedom." 

If  tliis  resolution  speaks  in  more  pointed  language 
than  the  others,  it  does  not  assume  a  higher  tone 
than  was  manifested  in  the  proceedings  of  some  of 
the  Assemblies  the  year  before.  The  Massachusetts 
Assembly  say,  June  13th,  17G4,  in  a  letter  to  their 
aorent  in  London,  which  was  to  be  communicated  to 
the  Ministry,  **  The  silence  of  the  province  should 
have  been  imputed  to  any  cause,  even  to  despair, 
rather  than  be  construed  into  a  tacit  cession  of  their 
ricrhts,  or  an  acknowledtrment  of  a  riaht  in  the  Par- 
liament  of  Great  Britain  to  impose  duties  and  taxes 
upon  a  people,  who  are  not  represented  in  the  House 
of  Commons."  And  the  New  York  Assembly,  in 
their  petition  to  the  House  of  Commons  in  October 
of  the  same  year,  after  claiming  a  freedom  from  Par- 
liamentary taxation,  "  proceed  to  inform  the  Commons 
of  Great  Britain,  that  the  people  of  this  colony, 
inspired  by  the  genius  of  their  mother  country,  nobly 
disdain  the  thought  of  claiming  that  exemption  as 
a  privilege.  They  found  it  on  a  basis  more  honor- 
able, solid,  and  stable;  they  challenge  it,  and  glory 
in  it,  as  their  right."  The  letter  and  petition,  from 
which  these  exii.icts  are  taken,  were  published. 
Other  declarations,  of  a  similar  character,  might  be 
cited.  What  is  there,  even  in  Mr.  Henry's  fifth 
resolution,  that  shows  a  more  determined  spirit,  or 
that  was  more  likely  to  touch  the  popular  feeling  1 


396  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

It  is  certain,  nevertheless,  that  the  Virginia  Reso- 
lutions, as  they  came  before  the  public,  did  produce 
a  great  excitement,  and  contributed  in  a  remarkable 
degree  to  rouse  the  spirit  of  tiie  people  throughout 
the  colonies.  Governor  Bernard  says,  in  writing  to 
the  ministry  from  Boston,  August  15th,  17G5,  "  Two 
or  three  months  ago  I  thought  that  this  people  would 
submit  to  the  Stamp  Act.  Murmurs  were  indeed 
continually  heard,  but  they  seemed  to  be  such  as 
would  die  away.  But  the  publishing  of  the  Virginia 
Resolves  proved  an  alarm-bell  to  the  disaffected." 
And  Hutchinson  says,  "  These  resolves  were  ex- 
pressed in  such  terms,  that  many  people,  upon  the 
first  surprise,  pronounced  them  treasonable."  (Hist, 
of  Massachusetts,  Vol.  HI.  p.  119.)  Such  an  im- 
pression could  not  have  been  produced  by  Mr.  Hen- 
ry's five  resolutions,  as  reported  by  himself,  and  much 
less  so  by  the  four  actually  adopted  by  the  Assembly. 

We  must  look  farther,  therefore,  for  an  explana- 
tion. It  would  seem,  that  a  spurious  copy  of  these 
Resolves  was  first  circulated  in  the  newspapers,  and 
afterwards  printed  in  the  "  Prior  Documents,"  Gor- 
don's History  of  the  Revolution,  Ramsay's  History, 
and  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington.  In  this  copy,  the 
third  resolution,  as  passed  by  the  Virginia  Assembly, 
is  wholly  omitted;  the  fifth  reported  by  Mr.  Henry 
is  essentially  altered  from  his  draft ;  and  two  addi- 
tional ones  are  appended,  of  which  no  mention  is 
made  in  Mr.  Henry's  remarks  on  the  subject.  They 
are  as  follow  ; 

"Resolved,  That  his  Majesty's  liege  people,  the 
inhabitants  of  this   colony,   are   not   bound   to   yield 


PATRICK     H  K  N  R  Y  .  391 

obedience  to  any  law  or  ordinance  whatsoever,  dc- 
sicrned  to  impose  any  taxation  whatsoever  upon  thein, 
other  than  the  laws  or  ordinances  of  the  Genera! 
Assembly  aforesaid. 

"  Resolved,  That  any  person  who  shall,  by  speak- 
ing or  writing,  assert  or  maintain,  that  any  person  or 
persons,  other  than  the  General  Assembly  of  this  col- 
ony, have  any  right  or  power  to  impose  or  lay  any 
taxation  whatsoever  on  the  people  here,  shall  be 
deemed  an  enemy  to  his  Majesty's  colony." 

Gordon  represents  these  two  resolves  as  having  been 
read  in  the  Assembly.  In  the  "Prior  Documents" 
It  is  stated,  that  "  they  were  not  passed,  but  only 
drawn  up  by  the  committee."  They  are  doubtless 
the  same  alluded  to  by  Governor  Fauquier,  as  the 
two  which  "  the  gentlemen  had  in  their  pocket,"  but 
which  they  did  not  produce,  on  account  of  the  ill 
success  of  the  fifth,  *'  knowing  them  to  be  more  vir- 
ulent and  inflammatory."  There  is  no  evidence  that 
they  were  written  by  Henry,  or  even  that  he  had 
seen  them.  Yet  these  two  Resolutions  were  sent 
abroad,  not  only  as  his  composition,  but  as  among 
those  which  had  been  adopted  by  the  Virginia  As- 
sembly. This  latter  circumstance  gave  them  a  cur- 
rency, and  a  weight,  which  produced  the  powerful 
influence  on  the  public  mind  described  by  the  writers 
of  that  period.  The  newspapers  soon  took  up  the 
vindication  and  defence  of  the  Virtjinia  Resolves. 
"  The  spirit  discovered  in  them,"  says  Hutchinson, 
*'  was  applauded  au  worthy  of  imitatioii,  und  the  dec- 
laration in  them,  that  all  icho  maintained  the  right 
of  Parliament  should  he  dccn>cd  c.icvp'cj  to   ih,'  colo- 


398  AMERICAN     BIOGRAPHY. 

n7j,  had  a  tendency  to  bring  on  those  acts  of  vio- 
lence, which  soon  after  were  committed  in  Boston." 
Hutchinson  here  obviously  speaks  of  the  last  reso- 
lution, and  apparently  without  knowing  that  it  did 
not    proceed  from  the  Virginia  Assembly. 

We  are  hence  led  to  the  inference,  that  a  spurious 
copy  of  the  Virginia  Resolves  was  at  first  put  in  cir- 
culation ;  that  these  were  so  well  suited  to  the  spirit 
of  the  time,  that  no  attempts  were  made  to  correct 
the  error ;  that  three  of  these  only  were  drafted  and 
proposed  by  Patrick  Henry;  and  that  the  two,  which 
had  emanated  from  a  private  and  uncertain  source, 
were  chiefly  instrumental  in  producing  the  marvel- 
lous effects  so  universally  ascribed  to  them,  and  this 
because  it  was  supposed  they  had  been  adopted  by 
the  Virginia  Assembly,  or  at  least  approved  by  the 
distinguished  patriots  of  the  Old  Dominion,  which, 
as  standincr  in  the  first  rank  amonor  the  colonies, 
■ustly  exercised  a  commanding  influence 


THK 


LIBRARY 


OK 


AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY.         | 


C  O  N  D  U  C  'I'  E  D 
By    JARED    SPARKS- 


VOL.  XL 


BOSTON: 
CHAll'.ES   C.  LITTLE  AND   JAMES   DROWN 

1847. 


Entered  according  to  act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1844,  by 
Cfjarles    C.    LiTTi.i:    and    James    Brown, 
in  the  i'l-rk':3  office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts 


927,3 


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